112 resultados para structuralism


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Se para Chomsky o léxico é um conjunto de exceções que não obedecem aos princípios normais de organização linguística, para certas visões estruturalistas é um campo onde se podem delimitar inequivocamente variadas áreas, pertencendo umas ao verdadeiro léxico da língua e outras a subgrupos que nele não se podem incluir (terminologias, antropónimos, entre outros). Partindo de um dessas áreas ou subgrupos habitualmente ignorado (as palavras que designam marcas comerciais) pretende-se apresentar uma visão integradora do léxico como rede, fazendo evidenciar a importância que a dimensão emotiva das unidades lexicais possui na respetiva estruturação global.

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Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.

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The present thesis is a contribution to the debate on the applicability of mathematics; it examines the interplay between mathematics and the world, using historical case studies. The first part of the thesis consists of four small case studies. In chapter 1, I criticize "ante rem structuralism", proposed by Stewart Shapiro, by showing that his so-called "finite cardinal structures" are in conflict with mathematical practice. In chapter 2, I discuss Leonhard Euler's solution to the Königsberg bridges problem. I propose interpreting Euler's solution both as an explanation within mathematics and as a scientific explanation. I put the insights from the historical case to work against recent philosophical accounts of the Königsberg case. In chapter 3, I analyze the predator-prey model, proposed by Lotka and Volterra. I extract some interesting philosophical lessons from Volterra's original account of the model, such as: Volterra's remarks on mathematical methodology; the relation between mathematics and idealization in the construction of the model; some relevant details in the derivation of the Third Law, and; notions of intervention that are motivated by one of Volterra's main mathematical tools, phase spaces. In chapter 4, I discuss scientific and mathematical attempts to explain the structure of the bee's honeycomb. In the first part, I discuss a candidate explanation, based on the mathematical Honeycomb Conjecture, presented in Lyon and Colyvan (2008). I argue that this explanation is not scientifically adequate. In the second part, I discuss other mathematical, physical and biological studies that could contribute to an explanation of the bee's honeycomb. The upshot is that most of the relevant mathematics is not yet sufficiently understood, and there is also an ongoing debate as to the biological details of the construction of the bee's honeycomb. The second part of the thesis is a bigger case study from physics: the genesis of GR. Chapter 5 is a short introduction to the history, physics and mathematics that is relevant to the genesis of general relativity (GR). Chapter 6 discusses the historical question as to what Marcel Grossmann contributed to the genesis of GR. I will examine the so-called "Entwurf" paper, an important joint publication by Einstein and Grossmann, containing the first tensorial formulation of GR. By comparing Grossmann's part with the mathematical theories he used, we can gain a better understanding of what is involved in the first steps of assimilating a mathematical theory to a physical question. In chapter 7, I introduce, and discuss, a recent account of the applicability of mathematics to the world, the Inferential Conception (IC), proposed by Bueno and Colyvan (2011). I give a short exposition of the IC, offer some critical remarks on the account, discuss potential philosophical objections, and I propose some extensions of the IC. In chapter 8, I put the Inferential Conception (IC) to work in the historical case study: the genesis of GR. I analyze three historical episodes, using the conceptual apparatus provided by the IC. In episode one, I investigate how the starting point of the application process, the "assumed structure", is chosen. Then I analyze two small application cycles that led to revisions of the initial assumed structure. In episode two, I examine how the application of "new" mathematics - the application of the Absolute Differential Calculus (ADC) to gravitational theory - meshes with the IC. In episode three, I take a closer look at two of Einstein's failed attempts to find a suitable differential operator for the field equations, and apply the conceptual tools provided by the IC so as to better understand why he erroneously rejected both the Ricci tensor and the November tensor in the Zurich Notebook.

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ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates the, nature of space-time as described by the theory of general relativity. It mainly argues that space-time can be naturally interpreted as a physical structure in the precise sense of a network of concrete space-time relations among concrete space-time points that do not possess any intrinsic properties and any intrinsic identity. Such an interpretation is fundamentally based on two related key features of general relativity, namely substantive general covariance and background independence, where substantive general covariance is understood as a gauge-theoretic invariance under active diffeomorphisms and background independence is understood in the sense that the metric (or gravitational) field is dynamical and that, strictly speaking, it cannot be uniquely split into a purely gravitational part and a fixed purely inertial part or background. More broadly, a precise notion of (physical) structure is developed within the framework of a moderate version of structural realism understood as a metaphysical claim about what there is in the world. So, the developement of this moderate structural realism pursues two main aims. The first is purely metaphysical, the aim being to develop a coherent metaphysics of structures and of objects (particular attention is paid to the questions of identity and individuality of these latter within this structural realist framework). The second is to argue that moderate structural realism provides a convincing interpretation of the world as described by fundamental physics and in particular of space-time as described by general relativity. This structuralist interpretation of space-time is discussed within the traditional substantivalist-relationalist debate, which is best understood within the broader framework of the question about the relationship between space-time on the one hand and matter on the other. In particular, it is claimed that space-time structuralism does not constitute a 'tertium quid' in the traditional debate. Some new light on the question of the nature of space-time may be shed from the fundamental foundational issue of space-time singularities. Their possible 'non-local' (or global) feature is discussed in some detail and it is argued that a broad structuralist conception of space-time may provide a physically meaningful understanding of space-time singularities, which is not plagued by the conceptual difficulties of the usual atomsitic framework. Indeed, part of these difficulties may come from the standard differential geometric description of space-time, which encodes to some extent this atomistic framework; it raises the question of the importance of the mathematical formalism for the interpretation of space-time.

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La tesi doctoral titulada "La Dinàmica de les Pràctiques Científiques des d'un punt de vista experiencialista" té com a objectiu oferir una alternativa a les tesis de Kuhn defensades a l'"Estructura de les Revolucions Científiques". En aquest sentit, s'utilitzaran diferents experiments i models teòrics actuals en l'àmbit de les ciències cognitives per tal de superar la teoria estructuralista de la cognició, quee Kuhn proposa com la base de la seva filosofia de la ciència. Contràriament a aquesta teoria, l'experiencialisme se situa lluny de les tesis estructuralistes, en la mesura en què assumeix que la cognició humana emergeix des de la dinàmica interactiva dels agents cognitius humans entre ells en un entorn material, en tant que agents corporals. A partir d'aquesta interacció dinàmica, l'ésser humà genera un horitzó de sentit. Ja que la interacció entre els éssers humans en un entorn cultural i material és complex, dinàmic i canviant, la generació de sentit emergent no és com una estructura semàntica, coherent i sistemàtica, sinó que ha de ser considerada com un conjunt asistemàtic de perspectives exploratòries que se succeeixen en el temps, en funció dels diferents contextos i propòsits que un agent corporal porta a terme al llarg de la seva interacció dinàmica i temporal amb l'entorn. Com a resultat de tot això, els èssers humans apliquen diferents criteris interactius que donen lloc a diferents perspectives per categoritzar o estructurar el món material i cultural. Aquest punt de vista és completament diferent del kuhnià, donat que el segon argumenta que cada èsser humà té la seva pròpia Gestalt o estructura semàntica que projecta "a priori" sobre la realitat. Aquesta diferència serà molt important no només des d'un punt de vista teòric, sinó també des d'un punt de vista pràctic. Per exemple, s'argumentarà que en l'àmbit de la didàctica de les ciències empíriques, es poden produir canvis beneficiosos significatius si s'utilitzen tesis extretes del model experiencialista de la cognició humana, i es deixen de banda el cognitivisme i el teoreticisme, que són actualment les bases teòriques de la manera en qué funciona l'educació científica. Finalment, conclourem afirmant que la visió experiencialista de la cognició implica assumir una forta relació entre l'ètica i la ciència, puix que els èssers humans són capaços d'utilitzar diferents criteris interactius per explorar la realitat i, per tant, sempre poden buscar millors estragègies per entendre's els uns amb els altres.

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The paper spells out five different accounts of the relationship between objects and relations three of which are versions of ontic structural realism (OSR). We argue that the distinction between objects and properties, including relations, is merely a conceptual one by contrast to an ontological one: properties, including relations, are modes, that is the concrete, particular ways in which objects exist. We then set out moderate OSR as the view according to which irreducible relations are central ways in which the fundamental physical objects exist. Physical structures thus consist in objects for whom it is essential that they are related in certain ways. There hence are objects, but they do not possess an intrinsic identity. This view can also admit intrinsic properties as ways in which objects exist provided that these do not amount to identity conditions for the objects. Finally, we indicate how this view can take objective modality into account.

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Structuralist development macroeconomics. This paper presents some basic ideas and models of a structuralist development macroeconomics (the tendencies to the overvaluation of the exchange rate and the tendency of wages to grow below productivity, the critique of growth with foreign savings, and a new model of the Dutch disease) that complement and actualize the thought of the Latin-American structuralist school that developed around ECLAC from the late 1940s to the 1960s. On the other hand, it suggests that a new national development strategy based on the experience of fast growing Asian countries is emerging; and argues that only the countries that adopt such strategy based on growth with domestic savings, fiscal and foreign trade responsibility and a competitive exchange rate will be able to catch up.

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This is a personal account of the definition of "new developmentalism" - a national development strategy alternative to the Washington consensus -, and of a "structuralist development macroeconomics": the sum of models that justifies theoretically that strategy. It is personal account of a collective work involving Keynesian, institutionalist and structuralist economists in Brazil that are forming a new school of thought in Brazil: a Keynesian-structuralist school. It is Keynesian because it emphasizes the demand side or the investment opportunities' side of economic growth. It is institutionalist because institutions obviously matter in achieving growth and stability. It is structuralist because it defines economic development as a structural change from low to high value added per capita industries and because it is based on two structural tendencies that limit investment opportunities: the tendency of wages to grow below productivity and the tendency to the cyclical overvaluation of the exchange rate.

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This paper first presents some basic ideas and models of a structuralist development macroeconomics that complements and actualizes the ideas of the structuralist development economics that was dominant between the 1940s and the 1960s. A system of three models focusing on the exchange rate (the tendency to the cyclical overvaluation of the exchange rate, a critique of growth with foreign savings, and new a model of the Dutch disease) shows that it is not just volatile but chronically overvalued, and for that reason it is not just a macroeconomic problem; as a long term disequilibrium, it is in the core of development economics. Second, it summarizes "new developmentalism" - a sum of growth policies based on these models and on the experience of fast-growing Asian countries.

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This paper examines the structuralist tradition in economics, emphasizing the role that structures play in the economic growth of developing countries. Since the subject at hand is evidently too large to cover in a single article, an emphasis has been brought to bear upon the macroeconomic elements of such a tradition, while also exploring its methodological aspects. It begins by analysing some general aspects of structuralism in economics (its evolution and origins) associated with ECLAC thought, in this instance focusing on the dynamics of the center-periphery relationship. Thereafter, the macroeconomic structuralism derived from the works of Taylor (1983, 1991) is presented, followed by a presentation of neo-structuralism. Centred on the concept of systemic competitiveness, this approach defines a strategy to achieve the high road of globalization, understood here as an inevitable process in spite of its engagement being dependent on the policies adopted. The conclusions show the genuine contributions of this tradition to economic theory.

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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

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Le nationalisme est souvent présenté comme étant civique ou ethnique. En réalité, toute nation se définit avant tout par sa culture. Les États, le plus souvent composés de deux ou plusieurs nations, sont le théâtre permanent d'une guerre culturelle. Inspiré par le cadre théorique défini par le post-structuralisme et le post-colonialisme, l’objectif de la recherche est de montrer que le sport en tant qu’agent culturel actif a historiquement été instrumentalisé pour alimenter la guerre culturelle au sein des États. L'analyse critique des différents écrits académiques touchant au Canadien de Montréal montre comment la guerre culturelle s’est déployée sur le territoire du Québec à travers les pratiques discursives qui ont sculpté les représentations symboliques de cette équipe de hockey.

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Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal