898 resultados para social trust


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We examined the relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust across 31 European nations participating in the European Social Survey. Using multi-level regression analyses, the current study provides the first empirical investigation of the effects of cultural norms of Individualism/Collectivism on generalized social trust while accounting for individuals' own cultural orientations within the same analysis. The results provide clear support for Yamagishi and Yamagishi (1994) emancipation theory of trust, showing a significant and positive relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust, over and above the effect of a country political history of communism and ethnic heterogeneity. Having controlled for individual effects of Individualism/Collectivism it is clear that the results of the current analysis cannot be reduced to an individual-level explanation, but must be interpreted within the context Of macrosocial processes. We conclude by discussing potential mechanisms that could explain why national individualism is more likely to foster trust among people than collectivism.

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The presented research however has as object to apprehend the contribution of the Social Trust of Agricultural Youth in Is João of the Sabugi, in the individual and collective projects of life of the agricultural young. In it interests to know them which are the dreams and desires of these young, its relation with familiar agriculture, its desires of permanence in the field, as well as the relation of the trust with the fortalecimento of its projects of life. Thus, the general objective is to argue the contribution and influence of the Social Trust of Agricultural Youth in Is João of the Sabugi, in the individual and collective projects of life of the young of the city. The construction of the subject on agricultural youth to the contact with the land and the work in familiar agriculture were one strong expression identified in this research, exactly leading in consideration that nor all possess the desire to remain young agricultural , or at least young agriculturists. For the young, agricultural being is express through not only the contact with the agricultural work, but also the process of sociability, formation of affective bows, possibilities of new learnings, valuation of the agricultural way and its potentialities, of that the corporeal property and cultural is possible to be young in the agricultural way with access, historicamente denied

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The present dissertation focuses on trust and comprises three empirical essays on the concept itself and its foundations. All three essays investigate trust as an expectation and rely on selfreport measures of trust. Whereas the first two chapters investigate social trust, the third chapter investigates political trust. Essentially, there are three related important debates to which the following chapters contribute. A first debate discusses problems with current selfreport measures. Scholars recently started to question whether standard trust questions really measure the same across countries and languages. Chapter 1 engages in this debate. Using data from Switzerland it studies whether different trust questions measure the same latent trust constructs across individuals belonging to three different culturallinguistic regions. The second debate concerns the socalled forms or dimensions of trust. Recently, scholars started investigating whether trust is a onedimensional construct, i.e. whether an individual's trust judgment differs for categories of trustees such as strangers, neighbors, family members and friends or not. Relying on confirmatory factor analysis Chapter 2 investigates whether individuals really do make a difference between different trustee categories and to what extent these judgments can be summarized into higherorder latent trust constructs. The third debate is concerned with causes of differences in trust across humans. Chapter 3 focuses on the role of laterlife experiences, more precisely victimization experiences and investigates their causal relationship with generalized social trust. Chapter 4 focuses on the impact of direct democratic institutions on the trust relationship between citizens and political authorities.

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Research on the foundations of social trust mainly concentrates on the evaluation of one's social environment. Empirical evidence focusing on the psychological origins of social trust is quite rare and the findings of these few studies remain inconclusive. Two innovations are proposed in order to systemize the knowledge about the foundations of social trust. First, we propose using a trust measure that is sensitive to different categories of trustees and refers to a realistic situation. Second, we argue for a broad conception of personality, rather than focusing only on selected attributes. Using data from a unique Swiss population survey, we show that the impact of personality traits on trust in strangers is stronger than on trust in friends. While conscientiousness and openness, in particular, are important traits for the development of both trust in friends and strangers, agreeableness is related to trust in strangers.

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Since Puntam's seminal work on declining levels of social capital, the question of how social trust is formed has reached unprecedented heights of critical enquiry. While most of the current research concentrates on ethnic diversity and income inequality as the main influences driving down generalized trust, we focus on opinion polarization as another potential impact factor on trust. In more detail, we investigate the extent to which polarization over morally charged issues such as homsexuality, abortion and euthanasia affects individuals' likelihood to trust others. We hypothesize that moral issues have a natural tendency to divide societies' opinions into opposing poles and, thus, to challenge social cohesion in modern civil societies. Based on hierarchical analyses of the fifth wave of the World Values Survey (WVS) — comprising a sample of 39 countries — our results reveal that individuals living in countries characterized by more opinion polarization tend to have less trust in other people.

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How does where we live affect how we live? Do characteristics of the built environment affect the civic and social lives of the people living there? This study examines these questions at the neighbourhood scale in the Canadian city of St. John's, Newfoundland. To do so, it combines data from a survey measuring respondents' social capital (defined as a combination of social participation, social trust, and civic participation) and a "built environment audit" that records the built characteristics of each respondent's neighbourhood. The study finds a significant, positive relationship between the walkability of a neighbourhood and the social capital of the people living there. This relationship is driven primarily by the effect of the built environment on voluntary participation and relationships with neighbours. The study also tests several methods of measuring walkability, and finds that an objective measure based on street geometry is the best predictor of social capital.

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El artículo analiza el rol que cumple la confianza en la construcción de la realidad social, argumentando que constituye uno de sus componentes esenciales. Lo es porque hace posible el nacimiento, permanencia y reconocimiento colectivo de las instituciones, así como su iteración y organización en subsistemas.

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Violence is detrimental to the stability of any democracy. If people are too scared to vote, or if they lack confidence in their government to bring peace, how will their voices be heard? By discussing how accountability, transparency, and ethics dissuade social confusion, improve democracy, and lessen occurrences of violence, perhaps one can increase the success in the instance of stabilizing a new democracy or reinvigorating an old one. Theoretically resulting in more peaceful governmental transitions; accountability, transparency, and ethics in democracy are a must to build social trust, improve democracy, and reduce violence.

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Finland witnessed a surge in crime news reporting during the 1990s. At the same time, there was a significant rise in the levels of fear of crime reported by surveys. This research examines whether and how the two phenomena: news media and fear of violence were associated with each other. The dissertation consists of five sub-studies and a summary article. The first sub-study is a review of crime reporting trends in Finland, in which I have reviewed prior research and used existing Finnish datasets on media contents and crime news media exposure. The second study examines the association between crime media consumption and fear of crime when personal and vicarious victimization experiences have been held constant. Apart from analyzing the impact of crime news consumption on fear, media effects on general social trust are analyzed in the third sub-study. In the fourth sub-study I have analyzed the contents of the Finnish Poliisi-TV programme and compared the consistency of the picture of violent crime between official data sources and the programme. In the fifth and final sub-study, the victim narratives of Poliisi-TV s violence news contents have been analyzed. The research provides a series of results which are unprecedented in Finland. First, it observes that as in many other countries, the quantity of crime news supply has increased quite markedly in Finland. Second, it verifies that exposure to crime news is related to being worried about violent victimization and avoidance behaviour. Third, it documents that exposure to TV crime reality-programming is associated with reduced social trust among Finnish adolescents. Fourth, the analysis of Poliisi-TV shows that it transmits a distorted view of crime when contrasted with primary data sources on crime, but that this distortion is not as big as could be expected from international research findings and epochal theories of sociology. Fifth, the portrayals of violence victims in Poliisi-TV do not fit the traditional ideal types of victims that are usually seen to dominate crime media. The fact that the victims of violence in Poliisi-TV are ordinary people represents a wider development of the changing significance of the crime victim in Finland. The research concludes that although the media most likely did have an effect on the rising public fears in the 1990s, the mechanism was not as straight forward as has often been claimed. It is likely that there are other factors in the fear-media equation that are affecting both fear levels and crime reporting and that these factors are interactive in nature. Finally, the research calls for a re-orientation of media criminology and suggests more emphasis on the positive implications of crime in the media. Keywords: crime, media, fear of crime, violence, victimization, news

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The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.

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Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une démarche de recherche des principes et mesures permettant de mettre en œuvre efficacement le principe d’égalité en milieu de travail syndiqué au Québec. Adoptant comme guide la sociologie des ordres juridiques complétée et accompagnée par le systémisme luhmannien, nous avons accompli une étude des ordres juridiques qui agissent en ce qui a trait aux aspects juridiques des relations du travail avant de procéder à l’évaluation de la politique publique relative à l’égalité. L’étude est divisée en trois parties. La première est consacrée à une exploration du pluralisme juridique, à la sociologie des ordres juridiques et à la présentation des ordres juridiques du travail. La seconde adopte une perspective historique de l’action syndicale, du droit du travail et de la politique publique relative à l’égalité. La troisième comprend une démarche d’évaluation de cette politique publique et une démarche de construction normative relative aux principes et mesures permettant la mise en œuvre efficace du principe d’égalité. Sur le plan de l’évaluation, nous recourons d’abord à une étude empirique et juridique d’un important dossier de plaintes à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse : le dossier du gel d’échelon salarial dans la convention collective du personnel enseignant des commissions scolaires; nous accomplissons ensuite une revue de la littérature en ce qui a trait à la politique publique relative à l’égalité; nous accomplissons enfin une analyse de ce qu’offrent aux milieux syndiqués les deux principales voies de mise en œuvre de l’égalité, d’une part, le grief et l’arbitrage et d’autre part, la plainte à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse et, le cas échéant, le recours devant le Tribunal des droits de la personne. Sur le plan de la construction normative, nous nous basons sur l’analyse sociologique, historique et évaluative accomplie pour concevoir les éléments de politique nécessaires pour atteindre l’objectif recherché.

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Broadly anchored on Institutionalist literature this dissertation seeks to answer: Why rural credit granted to farming families in Rio Grande do Norte, Pronaf group B, has shown positive results in some territories while in others the same results are insatisfactory? Considering formal rules are the same, then why such results are so distinguished? This research supports the fact that these results are a direct consequence of the quality of institutions defined as longstanding social rules established and built in social interactions. For institutions one understands; organizational structures, formal and non-formal rules, social trust, thinking behaviors and its evolution as well as routines. Using Pronaf Rural Credit as a background this study measures and compares results obtained in the rural areas of Seridó, Sertão do Apodi, Mato Grande, Assú-Mossoró, Trairi, Potengi and Alto Oeste. The dimensions of measurement considered were: economics, social and guarantee of transparency. The study considers a sample of 402 Group B farming families. It also elaborates a socio-economic profile of these families in the considered areas and underlines the main causes for defaulted loans, difficulties to improve family income and results of access to Pronaf B credit line, as well as it proposes solutions to surpass obstacles to improve the efficiency of this credit line

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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

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Modern policy-making is increasingly influenced by different types of uncertainty. Political actors are supposed to behave differently under the context of uncertainty then in “usual” decision-making processes. Actors exchange information in order to convince other actors and decision-makers, to coordinate their lobbying activities and form coalitions, and to get information and learn on the substantive issue. The literature suggests that preference similarity, social trust, perceived power and functional interdependence are particularly important drivers of information exchange. We assume that social trust as well as being connected to scientific actors is more important under uncertainty than in a setting with less uncertainty. To investigate information exchange under uncertainty analyze the case of unconventional shale gas development in the UK from 2008 till 2014. Our study will rely on statistical analyses of survey data on a diverse set of actors dealing with shale gas development and regulation in the UK.

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Dans quelle mesure la montée de la reddition de comptes et de l’évaluation en éducation est-elle significative d’un déclin de la confiance de l’Etat, des administrateurs scolaires et des usagers dans la capacité des organisations scolaires à remplir correctement leurs missions ? N’est-elle pas également symptômatique d’une perte de confiance à l’égard des enseignants et de leur professionnalisme? Nous traiterons ces questions en proposant une réflexion à partir des théories de la confiance en sciences sociales. Nous distinguerons en particulier les théories qui s’interrogent sur les conditions de confiance dans les transactions économiques et celles qui raisonnent la confiance « politique » dans les institutions. Nous argumentons que les dispositifs d’accountability tendent surtout à réduire l’incertitude des clients/managers quant aux risques d’opportunisme et d’opacité des opérateurs scolaires. Il s’agit de favoriser la bonne marche « du marché » ou de « l’organisation productive » scolaire, au risque d’une perte d’autonomie professionnelle des enseignants et sans pour autant que l’Ecole ne redevienne une institution politique «digne de confiance ».