A ruptura do pacto social no pensamento de Sade

As obras de Sade procuram retratar as práticas corruptas e libertinas presentes no regime despótico de Luís XV, apontando invariavelmente a alcova como lugar privilegiado de transformação do corpo e da mente e, ao mesmo tempo, de produção filosófica. A atualidade do pensamento de Sade revela-se no fato de colocar como tendencia da modernidade, a constituição narcísica da subjetividade que, em sua variante político-social, aparece sob a forma do conformismo político. Este artigo pretende apresentar o pensamento de Sade como urna crítica aos liames sociais, o que conduz à ruptura da idéia de pacto social formulada por Rousseau. A doutrina sem compaixão de Sade torna-se filosofia negativa na medida em que fornece os fundamentos da crítica à razão instrumental. Sendo pessimista quanto aos rumos do existente, a teoria sadiana aponta a animalidade humana como possibilidade de transcendencia da artificialidade dos laços sociais.

Da necessidade do legislador na obra Do contrato social, de Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Pós-graduação em Filosofia - FFC

Mariano Moreno, el Contrato Social y el mercado de impresos en el comienzo de la América Independiente

En un mundo colonial que se acercaba a su fin, a medio camino entre el Ancien Régime y lo que vendría después, Mariano Moreno escribió su obra a la vez que era protagonista de los eventos políticos que sacudieron Buenos Aires en 1810. Tomando a este personaje como puerta de entrada al Río de la Plata decimonónico, aquí se intenta reconstruir las ideas y el lenguaje de la época. Un punto de especial interés para el trabajo es la cultura impresa, con la cual Moreno tuvo una relación activa, fundando y dirigiendo el primer boletín oficial y editando una versión del Contrato Social de Rousseau. La pregunta que recorre el texto es la siguiente ¿Qué tan "moderno" fue Moreno y qué tanto lo era el mundo en que vivía?

Mariano Moreno, el Contrato Social y el mercado de impresos en el comienzo de la América Independiente

En un mundo colonial que se acercaba a su fin, a medio camino entre el Ancien Régime y lo que vendría después, Mariano Moreno escribió su obra a la vez que era protagonista de los eventos políticos que sacudieron Buenos Aires en 1810. Tomando a este personaje como puerta de entrada al Río de la Plata decimonónico, aquí se intenta reconstruir las ideas y el lenguaje de la época. Un punto de especial interés para el trabajo es la cultura impresa, con la cual Moreno tuvo una relación activa, fundando y dirigiendo el primer boletín oficial y editando una versión del Contrato Social de Rousseau. La pregunta que recorre el texto es la siguiente ¿Qué tan "moderno" fue Moreno y qué tanto lo era el mundo en que vivía?

Mariano Moreno, el Contrato Social y el mercado de impresos en el comienzo de la América Independiente

En un mundo colonial que se acercaba a su fin, a medio camino entre el Ancien Régime y lo que vendría después, Mariano Moreno escribió su obra a la vez que era protagonista de los eventos políticos que sacudieron Buenos Aires en 1810. Tomando a este personaje como puerta de entrada al Río de la Plata decimonónico, aquí se intenta reconstruir las ideas y el lenguaje de la época. Un punto de especial interés para el trabajo es la cultura impresa, con la cual Moreno tuvo una relación activa, fundando y dirigiendo el primer boletín oficial y editando una versión del Contrato Social de Rousseau. La pregunta que recorre el texto es la siguiente ¿Qué tan "moderno" fue Moreno y qué tanto lo era el mundo en que vivía?

Du contrat social au XIXme siècle, ou Traité de législation politique et criminelle basé sur les droits de l'humanité.

Mode of access: Internet.

Observations sur le contrat social de J. J. Rousseau. /

Goldsmiths'-Kress no. 14068.1.

Globalist Fallacies, Fictions and Facts: The MAI and Neo-classic Ideology

There is little evidence, historical or otherwise, to suggest that the needs of people and societies change greatly over time. Whilst acknowledging the benefits of the many recent technological innovations that are part of the contemporary milieu, I am reluctant to see such advances as sufficient rationale for the dismantling of the social contract between a government and its citizenry. The Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) highlights the move amongst developed countries to replace a national policy focus with a multilateral approach to global policy formulation that transcends the sovereignty of nation states. The purpose of this paper is to refute the assumptions underpinning multilateralist assertions that government has a diminishing role to play in the global society, and that national sovereignty, due to the increasingly important role of multilateral agreements and the global economy, is ‘a thing of the past’ (Arthur Asher, background briefing interview, Radio National, February 1, 1998). The basic premises that underpin the globalist argument1 for the diminishing role of government are that: • Economic growth increases jobs, prosperity, and freedom. • Free trade is an imperative for successful globalisation because financial sector performance - which depends on deregulation - is integral to global economic growth. • Information technology is revolutionising global trade and making globalisation inevitable. • Globalisation through deregulation, makes national boundaries meaningless, and therefore, national regulatory policies anachronistic. This paper compares the aforementioned axiomatic premises of globalisation to actual outcomes, events, and trends in the real world.

The stewardship paradigm : an enquiry into the ethical obligation associated with being in control of resorces

The resource allocation and utilization discourse is dominated by debates about rights particularly individual property rights and ownership. This is due largely to the philosophic foundations provided by Hobbes and Locke and adopted by Bentham. In our community, though, resources come not merely with rights embedded but also obligations. The relevant laws and equitable principles which give shape to our shared rights and obligations with respect to resources take cognizance not merely of the title to the resource (the proprietary right) but the particular context in which the right is exercised. Moral philosophy regarding resource utilisation has from ancient times taken cognizance of obligations but with ascendance of modernity, the agenda of moral philosophy regarding resources, has been dominated, at least since John Locke, by a preoccupation with property rights; the ethical obligations associated with resource management have been largely ignored. The particular social context has also been ignored. Exploring this applied ethical terrain regarding resource utilisation, this thesis: (1) Revisits the justifications for modem property rights (and in that the exclusion of obligations); (2) Identifies major deficiencies in these justifications and reasons for this; (3) Traces the concept of stewardship as understood in classical Greek writing and in the New Testament, and considers its application in the Patristic period and by Medieval and reformist writers, before turning to investigate its influence on legal and equitable concepts through to the current day; 4) Discusses the nature of the stewardship obligation,maps it and offers a schematic for applying the Stewardship Paradigm to problems arising in daily life; and, (5) Discusses the way in which the Stewardship Paradigm may be applied by, and assists in resolving issues arising from within four dominant philosophic world views: (a) Rawls' social contract theory; (b) Utilitarianism as discussed by Peter Singer; (c) Christianity with particular focus on the theology of Douglas Hall; (d) Feminism particularly as expressed in the ethics of care of Carol Gilligan; and, offers some more general comments about stewardship in the context of an ethically plural community.

On organisational legitimacy practices in developing economies : a profit and readability based approach

In this study, we investigate whether organisations in developing markets legitimise their use of societal resources. We concur that organisations’ existence in developing markets is also part of a social contract. Within this implied contract, organisations are to leverage resources in an equitable manner, allowing fair distribution of benefits to society and themselves. In this setting, we propose that the level of profit is the best indicator of the outcome of use of resources, and is subject to numerous societal emotions in developing economies. We also propose that readability of narratives relating to a level of profit is the best measure of organisations’ immediate legitimacy activities. Five-year data on profitability and readability of sections of corporate annual reports from 30 organisations reveals that organisations with higher profits present more readable narrative disclosures in their annual reports. This relationship is more evident in larger companies and with the public enterprises. These outcomes imply that organisations communicate their profit-related information in ways to manage an appropriate impression and legitimize a level of profit. The study’s outcomes also imply that authorities need to monitor organisations rights to protected existence continuously, as their legitimacy efforts suggest that higher levels of profit may be an outcome of potential misuse of resources.

Changes in Employment Security in Asia

Much attention has been focused on the decline of traditional employment structures in the advanced industrial countries. Lesser attention has focused on this issue in Asia. In this comparative essay, the authors examine the changes in employment security in China, India, Japan, and South Korea. They focus on the historical development of the employment security social contract in these countries, noting the institutional features that gave rise to it in each country. They then examine the resilience of employment security norms under recent economic pressures. They find there has been substantial erosion in employment security during the 1990s in all four countries due to both increased competition and economic liberalization, although there is some variation in both the rate of erosion as well as the prospects for revival of the social contract. They assess the possibilities of a revival in this particular social contract, and the impact of the erosion on unorganized workers.

Impact of online privacy concerns and brand reputation on consumer willingness to provide personal information

The aim of this research was to identify the role of brand reputation in encouraging consumer willingness to provide personal data online, for the benefits of personalisation. This study extends on Malhotra, Kim and Agarwal’s (2004) Internet Users Information Privacy Concerns Model, and uses the theoretical underpinning of Social Contract Theory to assess how brand reputation moderates the relationship between trusting beliefs and perceived value (Privacy Calculus framework) with willingness to give personal information. The research is highly relevant as most privacy research undertaken to date focuses on consumer related concerns. Very little research exists examining the role of brand reputation and online privacy. Practical implications of this research include gaining knowledge as to how to minimise online privacy concerns; improve brand reputation; and provide insight on how to reduce consumer resistance to the collection of personal information and encourage consumer opt-in.

Somali State Failure: Players, Incentives and Institutions

In Somalia the central government collapsed in 1991 and since then state failure became a widespread phenomenon and one of the greatest political and humanitarian problems facing the world in this century. Thus, the main objective of this research is to answer the following question: What went wrong? Most of the existing literature on the political economy of conflict starts from the assumption that state in Africa is predatory by nature. Unlike these studies, the present research, although it uses predation theory, starts from the social contract approach of state definition. Therefore, rather than contemplating actions and policies of the rulers alone, this approach allows us to deliberately bring the role of the society – as citizens – and other players into the analyses. In Chapter 1, after introducing the study, a simple principal-agent model will be developed to check the logical consistence of the argument and to make the identification of causal mechanism easier. I also identify three main actors in the process of state failure in Somalia: the Somali state, Somali society and the superpowers. In Chapter 2, so as to understand the incentives, preferences and constraints of each player in the state failure game, I in some depth analyse the evolution and structure of three central informal institutions: identity based patronage system of leadership, political tribalism, and the Cold War. These three institutions are considered as the rules of the game in the Somali state failure. Chapter 3 summarises the successive civilian governments’ achievements and failures (1960-69) concerning the main national goals, national unification and socio-economic development. Chapter 4 shows that the military regime, although it assumed power through extralegal means, served to some extent the developmental interest of the citizens in the first five years of its rule. Chapter 5 shows the process, and the factors involved, of the military regime’s self-transformation from being an agent for the developmental interests of the society to a predatory state that not only undermines the interests of the society but that also destroys the state itself. Chapter 6 addresses the process of disintegration of the post-colonial state of Somalia. The chapter shows how the regime’s merciless reactions to political ventures by power-seeking opposition leaders shattered the entire country and wrecked the state institutions. Chapter 7 concludes the study by summarising the main findings: due to the incentive structures generated by the informal institutions, the formal state institutions fell apart.

John Locke : las posesiones o los derechos políticos como garantía de la libertad

Este artículo busca reflexionar sobre las garantías que el contrato social de John Locke ofrece a la libertad. Así, apartándose de la corriente de interpretación dominante, se intenta realizar una aproximación hermenéutica a su obra que de cuenta del campo semántico en el cual se desarrolla. De esta manera, aflorará la propia voz del autor permitiendo dilucidar cuál es el contenido y el alcance de la libertad en el contrato social lockeano.

Autonomia legislativa e participação igualitária: o Direito Político de Jean-Jacques Rousseau no desenvolvimento do problema teológico-político da modernidade

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar os conceitos de lei e soberania no Contrato Social de Rousseau sob uma perspectiva histórico-filosófica, retratando o surgimento do modelo filosófico-jurídico da legitimação do poder a o nascimento (ou renascimento, a depender de como se considere o período imperial romano) do conceito de soberania como completa liberdade em relação às leis existentes, ou sujeição apenas à própria razão. A partir desse fato histórico, como de outros relativos à filosofia tardoescolástica de Escoto, com sua distinctio formalis ex natura rei que permitiu a emergência de uma antropologia como a de Rousseau, que divide os seres humanos em camadas sobrepostas e o voluntarismo nominalista de Ockham, que permitiu a elaboração de um conceito como vontade geral. Procura-se demonstrar também como a concepção nominalista de um Deus absconditus tornou a justificação de um poder que é pura vontade separada daqueles que ordena ininteligível. Neste sentido, a crise de heteronomia em relação à transcendência que não é pura heteronomia, mas participação na ordem criada acaba gerando uma crise da heteronomia em razão ao poder secular, dando origem à autonomia soberana do povo pela vontade geral.