877 resultados para provincial elections


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In my master's thesis I explore the political significance of logging in Papua New Guinea (PNG). In commercial logging the post-colonial state of PNG, its local communities, transnational companies and non-governmental organizations come interestingly together. The central research questions are what forms of political awareness and mobilization does commercial logging bring up in the small scale communities and how – if at all – does logging change the relationship between these communities and the state of PNG. The thesis is based on three months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2007 in a village located in the East New Britain province of PNG. The village, inhabited mainly by the Mengen people, was an interesting case, because logging operations had been conducted in the area with the permission of the people, while on the other hand some villagers had formed a conservation association of their own. Parliamentary elections were also held in PNG during the time of my fieldwork. During my stay in the village I took part in the village life and conducted interviews. In addition to this, much of my material is based on informal discussions with people. On my way to and from the village I also interviewed several Papua New Guinean NGO-workers in the national and provincial capitals. In my thesis I show that environmental conservation in the village is part of a larger attempt to protect local autonomy, culture and the environment, i.e. it is a ”localistic” movement. Locals supporting conservation, as well as those supporting logging, take actively part in national parliamentary as well as local level politics. In my thesis I have attempted to unpack the notion of ”local” by examining internal power relations of the community and describing various lines of thought and opinions that base on local cultural values. Along with this, commercial logging seems also to elicit the role of the state in two-fold way in East New Britain. On the one hand, the government seeks to use logging roads built by logging companies as the basis of its own national infrastructure, even though the company roads are often of manifestably poor quality and short-lived. On the other hand, problems caused by logging, such as land disputes, create a need among local communities for the state and its services. Central themes in my thesis are the local values invested in the environment, as well as the ways in which the locals produce their environment both conceptually as well as physically. As subsistence farmers the locals depend economically on the condition of their environment. However, the value of the environment goes beyond economical questions. For example, the environment holds proof of the history of the community. Conversely, also the state and companies attempt to conceptualize, modify and administer the environment. This is done through processes such as mapping and road building, both crucial political questions in East New Britain. Here the anthropological discussion about space and place, as well as political geography are central. The diverse ways of conceptualizing the environment, as well as logging, cause often disputes about the ownership of land areas. Because of this I discuss local ways of holding the land communally, as well as PNG's land legislation and ways of dispute management. Land tenure and disputes are political questions that the locals have to deal with and in some cases these questions also create a need for the judiciary system of the state. The disputes affect also political activity, which I discuss at some length in my thesis as well. Interestingly, the locals, regardless of their political views and affiliations, establish transnational connections ranging from NGOs to government departments and multinational companies.

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Resumen: Repetidamente leemos en la historiografía la afirmación de que los concilios provinciales celebrados en la América hispánica durante el siglo dieciséis fueron una mera repetición o recepción de concilios y sínodos celebrados en el Viejo Mundo. En el presente artículo, de manera sumaria damos elementos que servirían para cuestionar esta afirmación a partir de los materiales de trabajo publicados recientemente sobre el Tercer Concilio Provincial Mexicano, celebrado en 1585.

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En los últimos años, los frutos exóticos peruanos han experimentado un gran crecimiento en la demanda internacional. Uno de estos es el aguaymanto, un berrie de origen peruano cultivado en las zonas altoandinas. Inicialmente se producía en forma silvestre, sin ningún tipo de coordinación llevando a acciones oportunistas por parte de los compradores. Sin embargo, el constante crecimiento de la demanda de aguaymanto y las exigencias del consumidor en el mercado nacional e internacional, hicieron que los productores de aguaymanto rompan el path dependency de cultivar el aguaymanto de manera individual y familiar, para organizarse y formalizar la producción de este fruto, mejorando las condiciones de producción, poscosecha y comercialización. Es así que nace la Asociación Provincial de Productores Ecológicos de Cajamarca - APPEC, que reúne a productores de la región Cajamarca dedicados a este cultivo, principalmente para el mercado internacional. La APPEC ha logrado con éxito su desarrollo y liderazgo en la producción de aguaymanto en el Perú. Es por ello que el objetivo de este trabajo es identificar y analizar las innovaciones que realizó la APPEC, para comprender su funcionamiento como modelo de negocio innovador y superador al tradicional. Para la ejecución de este trabajo se desarrolló la metodología del Análisis estructural discreto con énfasis en las innovaciones. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que se adaptaron innovando de producción convencional a orgánica para cumplir las exigencias del mercado, los productores cambiaron el path dependency de trabajar de forma individual para trabajar colectivamente y de esta forma poder mejorar las condiciones de cultivo y obtener mayores volúmenes de aguaymanto, las leyes de promoción hicieron que los productores de la APPEC obtengan un apalancamiento estructural y comercial en el negocio de aguaymanto. El éxito de APPEC ha sido producto de la adaptación organizacional, lo que ha generado integrar a los pequeños productores de la región de Cajamarca, fortalecer la cooperación en la producción de aguaymanto y coordinar con los demás actores involucrados en la exportación de aguaymanto para reducir la incertidumbre y los costos de transacción, esto generó un alto impacto social promoviendo la mejora y formalización de la producción de aguaymanto

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Over the last decade, much new research has appeared on the subject of the Great Irish Famine but, remarkably, a major political event during the famine - the 1847 general election - has received virtually no mention. Recent work on politics in this period has tended to concentrate on political reaction in Britain rather than Ireland. The aim of this article is to examine the response of Irish politicians to the famine during the general election of 1847. The main source has been the political addresses and nomination speeches of most of the 140 candidates. The evidence from this material shows that, although the famine was an important matter in many constituencies, it was not the dominant issue countrywide. Various proposals to deal with the famine emerged, but there was an absence of agreed, practical measures to deal with immediate problems. The parties in Ireland failed to create a common platform to challenge the government over its efforts. Ideological constraints played an important part in these failures. The general election of 1847 represents a lost opportunity to tackle some of the effects of the famine.

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This article examines the national and regional pressures in Northern Ireland in the post-war period for parity in public sector pay with the rest of the UK. Northern Ireland had a devolved legislature and government within the UK from 192 1 and was constitutionality in all essentially federal relationship with the rest of the UK. However, the Stormont Government chose to use legislative devolution to minimize policy differences with the rest of the UK. The article highlights the national industrial relations environment as the backdrop for provincial developments in pay setting. It establishes the important role Played by the Social Services Agreement negotiated with the Labour Government at Westminster in triggering the principle of parity in public sector pay in the early post-war years. The principle of pay parity subsequently became a benchmark for regional trade union coercive comparisons in collective bargaining across the devolved public sector. The article highlights the Policy relevance of these developments both to the UK Treasury and to devolved Governments in the UK, as they address the issue of regional public sector pay.