997 resultados para property taxes


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The Melungeons, a minority recognized in Southern Appalachia where they settled in the early 1800s, have mixed heritage—European, Mediterranean, Native American, and Sub-Saharan African. Their dark skin and distinctive features have marked them and been the cause of racial persecution both by custom and by law in Appalachia for two centuries. Their marginalization has led to an insider mentality, which I call a “literacy” of Melungeon-ness that affects every facet of their lives. Just a century ago, while specialized practices such as farming, preserving food, hunting, gathering, and distilling insured survival in the unforgiving mountain environment, few Melungeons could read or write. Required to pay property taxes and render military service, they were denied education, suffrage, and other legal rights. In the late 1890s visionary Melungeon leader Batey Collins invited Presbyterian homemissionaries to settle in one Tennessee Melungeon community where they established a church and built a school of unparalleled excellence. Educator-ministers Mary Rankin and Chester Leonard creatively reified the theories of Dewey, Montessori, and Rauschenbusch, but, despite their efforts, school literacy did not neutralize difference. Now, taking reading and writing for granted, Melungeons are exploring their identity by creating websites and participating in listserv discussions. These online expressions, which provide texts for rhetorical, semiotic, and socio-linguistic analysis, illustrate not solidarity but fragmentation on issues of origins and legitimacy. Armed with literacies of difference stemming from both nature and nurture, Melungeons are using literacy practices to embrace the difference they cannot escape.

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Tax motivated takings are takings by a local government aimed purely at increasing its tax base. Such an action was justified by the Supreme Court's ruling in Kelo v. New London, which allowed the use of eminent domain for a private redevelopment project on the grounds that the project promised spillover public benefits in the form of jobs and taxes. This paper argues that tax motivated takings can lead to inefficient transfers of land for the simple reason that assessed values understate owners' true values. We therefore propose a reassessment scheme that greatly reduces the risk of this sort of inefficiency.

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Summary of 64 page report describing the value of the natural resources of the public lands, the revenue generated by these lands, the revenues shared with the States, the payments in lieu of property taxes provided to Counties, and the number of recreational users of BLM lands.

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"December 2005."

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From the second half of the twentieth century the state bega n to use exaction beyond your fiscalist character, also as a means of alignment deformities economic and social balance, influencing in different directions, according to economic, social and political policy. It is what is usually called the extrafiscalit y. It is in light of this phenomenon and the constitutional perspective, the present work aims to analyze item IV of article. 8 of Law n. 6.967/96, regulatory Property Tax Vehicle Automotive (property taxes) in the State of Rio Grande do Norte, in view of its possible incompatibility with the principles of the Basic Statute and with international guidelines for protection of the environment The problem of this research is Seated in art. 225 of the Constitution, which provides that everyone has the right to an ecologically balanced environment. From the reading of this standard, extracted it is the responsibility of the state protecting the environment, which requires the adoption of suitable actions to that end. However, we look to state law cited follows th e constitutional path, since it exempts the collection of property taxes automotive vehicles with over 10 years of manufacturing, which could encourage the conservation of a fleet of old vehicles, mostly more polluting and harmful to the environment and hu man health. Would the state legislature oblivious to the constitutional principles and the global trend of environmental preservation? Thus questions whether such an incentive for more polluting vehicles, emitting more gases in the atmosphere. Moreover, th e international community is already moving through important conventions in an attempt to minimize and control global warming and climate change. Predicting the theme in CF/88 demonstrates that the country is no stranger to the issue. Thus, the work is a retelling of Law No. 6.967/96 order to check whether it is compatible with the existing system. The methodology consists of a documentary, deductive, dialectical literature. At the end of the survey, it was found that provide a tax benefit to these vehicle s is encouraged to maintain them in circulation and contribute to the increase in air and noise pollution, in addition to the traffic problems generated. Thus, this potiguar anything standard can be expressed extrafiscality because the medium and long term there is encouragement and worsening environmental problem. Despite the ability to pay clause, but this remission is an affront to legally protected interests. Thus, this device goes in reverse order compared to the values of the legal system and in relat ion to sustainable development. Modern Tax Law should be used as a tool to achieve the purposes collimated by the State, and not otherwise. It was noticed that the vast majority of Brazilian states does not follow this rule, including Mato Grosso and Minas Gerais have no such exemption. Therefore, the RN State does not constitute a model for sustainable public policies, nor example of environmental protection by state law.

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Oil and gas production generates substantial revenue for state and local governments. This report examines revenue from oil and gas production flowing to local governments through four mechanisms: (i) state taxes or fees on oil and gas production; (ii) local property taxes on oil and gas property; (iii) leasing of state-owned land; and (iv) leasing of federally owned land. We examine every major oil- and gas-producing state and find that the share of oil and gas production value allocated to and collected by local governments ranges widely, from 0.5 percent to more than 9 percent due to numerous policy differences among states. School districts and trust funds endowing future school operations tend to see the highest share of revenue, followed by counties. Municipalities and other local governments with more limited geographic boundaries tend to receive smaller shares of oil and gas driven revenue. Some states utilize grant programs to allocate revenue to where impacts from the industry are greatest. Others send most revenue to state operating or trust funds, with little revenue earmarked specifically for local governments.

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Oil and gas production in the United States has increased dramatically in the past 10 years. This growth has important implications for local governments, which often see new revenues from a variety of sources: property taxes on oil and gas property, sales taxes driven by the oil and gas workforce, allocations of state revenues from severance taxes or state and federal leases, leases on local government land, and contributions from oil and gas companies to support local services. At the same time, local governments tend to experience a range of new costs such as road damage caused by heavy industry truck traffic, increased demand for emergency services and law enforcement, and challenges with workforce retention. This report examines county and municipal fiscal effects in 14 oil- and gas-producing regions of eight states: AK, CA, KS, OH, OK, NM, UT, and WV. We find that for most local governments, oil and gas development—whether new or longstanding—has a positive effect on local public finances. However, effects can vary substantially due to a variety of local factors and policy issues. For some local governments, particularly those in rural regions experiencing large increases in development, revenues have not kept pace with rapidly increased costs and demand for services, particularly on road repair.

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(a) Iowa has a total of 101,620 miles of rural roads, both primary and secondary. (b) On January 1, 1951, a total of 68,869 miles of these rural roads were surfaced - mostly with gravel and crushed stone. (c) Additional roads are being surfaced at the rate of 2676 miles per year. (d) Iowa's highway program provides for a surfaced road to every reasonably located rural home and a paved or other type of dustless surface on all primary roads. (e) Iowa's highway funds come 26.0 per cent from property taxes, 63.5 per cent from road use taxes, 10.5 per cent from Federal aid. (f) Annual income under present laws, available for highway construction, is approximately For primary roads ----------------- $24,000,000 For secondary roads---------------- $41,967,000 (g) Iowa's highway improvements are being paid for as built. No new bonds are being issued. (h) Unobligated available farm to market road funds are rapidly being placed under contract. (i) The letting of highway contracts is increasing rapidly. (j)- Iowa's highway program is estimated to cost $945,000,000 and will require twenty years to build. These are the highlights of Iowa's highway program. The details will follow in succeeding paragraphs.

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(a) Iowa has a total of 101,620 miles of rural roads, both primary and secondary. (b) On January 1, 1952, a total of 71,493 miles of these rural roads were surfaced - mostly with gravel and crushed stone. (c) Additional roads are being surfaced at the rate of 2662 miles per year. (d) Iowa's highway program provides for a surfaced road to every reasonably located rural home and a paved or other type of dustless surface on all primary roads. (e) Iowa's highway funds come 26.0 per cent from property taxes, 63.5 per cent from road use taxes, 10.5 per cent from Federal aid. (f) Annual income under present laws, available for highway construction, is approximately For primary roads------------------$23,000,000 For secondary roads---------------- 41,967,000 (g) Iowa's highway improvements are being paid for as built. No new bonds are being issued. (h) The surplus of farm to market road funds created during and immediately following the War have now been placed under contract, with only a minimum working balance remaining in the fund. (i) Iowa's highway program was estimated to cost $945,000,000 and to require twenty years to build, by the 1948 Legislative Committee. This estimate would now have to be increased due to price increases and higher required standards. These are the highlights of Iowa's highway program. The details will follow in succeeding paragraphs.

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(a) Iowa has a total of 101,451 miles of rural roads, both primary and secondary. (b) On January 1, l954, a total of 77,024 miles of these rural roads were surfaced - mostly with gravel and crushed stone. This is 5,53l miles greater than on January l, 1952. (c) Additional roads are being surfaced at the rate of 2766 miles per year. (d) Iowa's highway program provides for a surfaced road to every reasonably located rural home and a paved or other type of dustless surface on all primary roads. (e) Iowa's highway funds come 25.4 per cent from property taxes and special taxes......................................$29,708,546.67 63.7 per cent from road use taxes.......... 74,581,080.30 10.6 per cent from Federal Aid (1952 Act).. 12,424,000.00 0.3 per cent from miscellaneous receipts.. 287,922.86 ---- ------------- 100.0 $117,001,549.83 (f) Annual income under present laws, available for highway construction, is approximately, For primary roads $29,420,000.00 For secondary roads $44,328,000.00 In 19_3, $7,299,000 of secondary road construction funds was transferred to the maintenance fund. (g) Iowa's highway improvements are being paid for as built. No new bonds are being issued.

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Con la presencia de asentamientos hidroeléctricos en su territorio, los municipios del oriente y nordeste antioqueño han visto afectada su estructura tributaria y territorial, a pesar de la reglamentación compen­satoria del sector eléctrico. Este artículo, analiza los efectos tributarios generados por la compensación del impuesto predial. Para lograrlo se revisan los montos recibidos por los municipios de las empresas generadoras y se realiza una indagación empírica del impuesto bajo los escenarios con y sin asenta­mientos hidroeléctricos. De esta forma se determina el diferencial tributario. Se concluye que, además de la insuficiencia de las transferencias para compensar la pérdida del capital natural de las cuencas hidroeléctricas, la expansión del sector eléctrico genera regresividad tributaria, por causa de privilegios y exenciones concebidos por las Leyes.

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En este artículo se plantean los elementos fundamentales que deben contener un plan de transporte, dentro del contexto de los Planes Reguladores en Costa RicaSe pretende que este documento sirva de guía metodológica en la elaboración de los planes reguladores, en la sección correspondiente al transporte y la vialidad. Actualmente existe un vacío teórico metodológico que se refleja en una ambigüedad conceptual y en una falta de rigurosidad metodológica, provocada por la interpretación que cada uno hace de las diferentes leyes de la planificación urbana que existen en nuestro país. Con el traspaso de los recursos obtenidos de la ley de bienes inmuebles a las municipalidades, se hace imperativo que la mayoría de las municipalidades, que no han elaborado un plan regulador, se aboquen a hacerlo y que numerosos consultores privados e institutos y escuelas universitarias ofrezcan esos servicios.El trabajo recoge la experiencia de varios años de investigación en ese campo y la participación en numerosos congresos y conferencias a nivel nacional e internacional.ABSTRACT:This article dcals with the principal elements which a transportation plan should contain, within the context of regulatory plan in Costa Rica.It is hoped that thís document wilI gcncrally serve as a methological guide for the design of thosc rcgulatory plans, and particulary with regard to the scction dealing with transportation and roadways.There exists at prcsent a theoretical and methodological vacuum in this area which is reflected in a conceptual ambiguity and lack of methodological discipline, due to the various individual interpretations applied to ihose urban planning laws which do exist in this country.Statutory revisions now prov ide for the allocation of proceeds from real property taxes to the municipalities, thus making it emperative that those local governments which have not done so, promptly design their own regulatory plan, and that public and private consultants, as well as institutions of learning and research, offer their specialized expertise to this effort.Morever, this anide presents the results of many years of research in Ihis area in addition to the lessons learned from a continuing participation in conferences, seminars and events of a similar nature, heid at both national and international leveis.