Vuelta de tuerca: insurgencia política y epistémica de los movimientos sociales en Bolivia (Tema Central)

El artículo tiene el propósito de reflexionar sobre el (re)surgimiento de la acción colectiva en forma de (nuevos) movimientos sociales en Bolivia, más allá de su posición contestaria a los modelos hegemónicos en boga. Estos movimientos no solo se convirtieron en sujetos políticos-ideológicos con capacidad de generar propuestas alternativas a los modelos hegemónicos, sino con la capacidad epistémica de cuestionar los supuestos básicos del orden hegemónico.

Biopolitik, civilsamfund og ’politisk eskatologi’ : Foucaults mistillid over for befolkningens indre kræfter

Biopolitics, Civil Society and Political Eschatology: Foucault’s distrust in the population’s inherent forces Michel Foucault’s scepticism toward discourses on the organic vitality of populations is not only explainable by his attention to the dark ‘underside of biopolitics – the risks of persecution of individuals, who threaten the population’s vitality from the inside. Moreover, it should be understood in light of Foucault’s acute sensitivity to the deep-seated, conflict-ridden nature of the population in terms of its inherent potential for cultural clashes, violent struggles, suspicions, hatred, or, in short, the perpetual conflicts of civil society. Foucault’s work led him to a position of ambiguous support for the state and to a more evident distrust in the forces of the population. He used the term “political eschatologies” about antipolitical visions that pronounce the end of politics in a final accord where social contradictions dissolve and the community will prevail over the state. Foucault played on the religious significations of the term, especially in regard to the religious, fanatic rejection of the duality between state and civil society, a rejection that rests on the belief in a completion of historical and political time and the final salvation of all in “the city of God”. The article demonstrates Foucault’s highly ambiguous view of civil society, it examines his discussion Ferguson’s work on civil society, and it considers Foucault’s use of the term “political eschatologies” to indicate the dangers of extreme, anti-state, political movements. It challenges the image of Foucault as an unequivocal proponent of grass roots and identity politics.  

New world orders in contemporary children's literature : utopian transformations

"New World Orders shows how texts for children and young people have responded to the cultural, economic, and political movements of the last 15 years. With a focus on international children's text produced between 1988 and 2006, the authors discuss how utopian and dystopian tropes are pressed into service to project possible futures to child readers. The book considers what these texts have to say about globalisation, neocolonialism, environmental issues, pressures on families and communities, and the idea of the posthuman."--BOOK JACKET.

Democracy building in post-Saddam Iraq : 'historical memory' and 'primitive democracy'

Iraq’s long and complex past has played a particularly poignant role in establishing and legitimating the various political movements that have ascended to power since the nation state was first created by the British in the early 1920s (Davis, 2005b). For example, the installed Hashemite monarchy that ruled Iraq until the 1958 revolution utilised their ancestral connection to the Prophet Muhammad to legitimate their claim of being the rightful legatees of the Arab lands, while later Saddam Hussein invoked the power of Iraq’s Mesopotamian past to build nationalism and unite the people against ancient enemies such as during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s.What is problematic about these examples of ‘historical memory’ in Iraq is that they have also been used to justify a series of autocratic and despotic regimes that have attempted to quash Iraq’s civil society and curtail any semblance of democratic reform. However, this paper argues that such ‘historical memories’ may well be useful in reinvigorating the Iraqi public sphere and enabling the transition from despotism to democracy. To do this, this paper focuses on the ancient Mesopotamian practise of ‘Primitive Democracy’ and argues that reinvigorating such histories may serve to legitimate and promote democratic governance within Iraq.

Conclusion : gender and politics and the changing status of women today

This book concerns a new body of knowledge and an emerging set of questions that has accompanied national, cross national and international global political movements aimed at trying to understand and to improve the situation of women by eliminating gender inequities and injustices.

Reading in brown paper : Beckett's budget and the sensationalist press in interwar Sydney

This article addresses the audience reception of sensationalist newspapers in interwar Australia through a case study of Sydney weekly Beckett's Budget. During a libel trial brought against Beckett's in 1928, readers came to its defence and their testimony reveals overlaps between reading and political allegiances: reading Beckett's equated with voting Labor. While histories of sensationalist media in Australia have rightly emphasised illicit sexuality and public outcry, connections between sensationalism and working-class political movements remain on the margins of academic interest. Responding to the question 'Do you read Beckett's?' readers' evidence at the trial constitutes an audience response and invites debate over the ways gender and class could inform political engagement in the 1920s. Viewing Beckett's Budget outside of 'brown paper' and beyond the sensationalist genre reveals a shift in Australian political culture as party strategists embraced a broader electorate, using Beckett's Budget to tap into the culture and concerns of interwar society.

Getúlio Vargas e o desenvolvimento do rádio no país: um estudo do rádio de 1930 a 1945

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar como o rádio foi usado, entre 1930 e 1945, pelo governo Vargas e o diálogo entre o poder e seus profissionais. Nesta fase, o meio radiofônico foi regulamentado e recebeu incentivos do poder público para seu desenvolvimento técnico, comercial e profissional. Este trabalho busca entender como a programação era desenvolvida pelos radialistas e se estes sofriam interferência governamental. A pesquisa procura ainda verificar de que maneira seus profissionais interagiam como movimentos sociais e políticos ocorridos no período e como esses fatos foram tratados por este veículo. O estudo foi fundamentado em pesquisa bibliográfica (livros, revistas, jornais, sites e bancos de dados) e em entrevistas com profissionais que trabalharam em rádio no período citado. Conclui-se que a participação governamental se deu através da aquisição de emissoras e produção de programas estatais e o controle rigoroso das estações privadas através de sua máquina de propaganda e da censura.

Participação ou formalismo? O impacto das audiências públicas no Supremo Tribunal Federal brasileiro

Este trabalho objetiva demonstrar a impossibilidade estrutural de democratização do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) a partir da participação social nas audiências públicas jurisdicionais. Para tanto, o trabalho divide-se em três partes. Na primeira, são abordados dois fenômenos macrossociais, a crise do Estado de bem estar e a globalização econômica, com a finalidade de resgatar as principais interpretações sobre a emergência do Judiciário e identificar os projetos normativos de reforma originados. Dentre eles, destaca-se a perspectiva de Vianna e Burgos (2002), pois seu conteúdo é verificado nos discursos oficiais que interpretam as audiências públicas como instrumentos democratizantes do STF. No segundo capítulo, pretende-se questionar a possibilidade de democratização participativa do STF a partir da teoria política de Poulantzas (2000). Para esta matriz conceitual, o direito, na formação social capitalista, organiza interesses e unifica o consentimento de forma a moldar o corpo social de acordo com as prioridades das classes posicionadas no bloco do poder dominante. Prevê a concessão de direitos e sua retirada conforme os movimentos políticos das classes, que estão em contínua disputa no interior de um Estado de características materiais e permeado por fissuras. Nesse sentido, as audiências públicas, são interpretadas como procedimentos que sofisticam o formalismo tradicional dos tribunais, ocultando o exercício do controle por mecanismos que aparentemente concederiam espaço para participação popular e igualariam as oportunidades de intervenção de agentes de diferentes grupos sociais. Estas características sugerem a impossibilidade de democratização de suas estruturas. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, o estudo de caso das cinco audiências realizadas evidencia a reprodução da disposição litigiosa do processo jurídico nestes eventos, uma vez que os ministros pouco participam, dispõem os participantes em lados opostos como se estivessem exercendo o contraditório e somente utilizam os pronunciamentos das audiências em seus votos para reforçar argumentos de seu interesse. De acordo com as informações sistematizadas, o presente estudo sugere que as audiências públicas não provocam impactos democratizantes nas estruturas do STF. Ao contrário, sofisticam os procedimentos existentes para reproduzir o tradicional papel de controle dos aparelhos judiciais no interior do capitalismo.

Protagonismo silencioso: a presença da OPAS na formação de recursos humanos em saúde no Brasil

The aim of this study is to assess the contribution of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to the field of human resources for health in Brazil. The assumption is that this organization not only influenced the development of this field, but but that it was also influenced by Brazilian institutions and by national political movements, through the interaction of its consultants with these movements. Four projects were selected, through which the contribution of PAHO was evaluated: the Program for the Strategic Preparation of Health Personnel (PPREPS), the Project for the Large Scale Formation of Middle and Low Level Personnel (Large Scale Project), the Project for Qualification in the Development of Human Resources in Health (CADRHU) and the Project for the Managerial Development of Basic Units of the National Health System (GERUS). To operacionalize the study, we used three basic complementary procedures: a bibliographic research, documental research and an interview. The time frame considered was from 1975, the year an agreement was signed between PAHO, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education and Culture, establishing PPREPS. It was through this program that the first PAHO team of national human resource consultants was contracted. The period between 1975 and 1999 was marked by political and social movements that changed the course of health in the country; among these was the Movement of Sanitary Reform in Brazil, which culminated in the implementation of the National Health System (SUS). This paper shows the connections of the PAHO consultants with this movement and the implications that this had for the Program of Cooperation in the Development of Human Resources of PAHO/Brazil. It also demonstrates that as the program became contaminated by national movements of health system reorganization and of democratization of Brazilian society, it proposed, in cooperation with national institutions, an organization of determinate areas of operation of these same institutions. The manuscript further reveals that, with the Large Scale Project, the human resources program determined the pedagogical and methodological option that would be the model for various other educational projects undertaken by a number of Brazilian institutions with the technical cooperation of PAHO. And finally, the repercussions and contributions of these projects, which strengthened the the field of human resources in the public health services of the country, are identified. Data analysis was based mainly on the theories of Bourdieu, Gramsci and Freire

Movimentos sociais e organização popular em Natal-RN: enquanto morar for privilégio...

To the extent that the expansion of cities is increasingly pushing and segregating the working class to outlying areas, devoid of services and infrastructure, the urban space is also important as a space in the class struggle, and in this direction, the this study aims to analyze the political organization of urban social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal-RN, nowadays, in their process of struggle for social rights, with emphasis on the right to the city. With this dimension, we appropriate the contributions of historical and dialectical materialism because we believe that this benchmark enables the understanding of the processes of collective organization and a critical perspective of totality, going beyond its immediate appearance. For production data conducted literature, documentary and field, through semi-structured interviews recorded with (the) mapped leaders of organizations in our survey, as well as advisory bodies to the movements studied. The results of the study allowed us to characterize the action of the political movements in urban Christmas struggle for recognition and guarantee of the right to the city and seize the advances and obstacles in the process of intervention of social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal, highlighting dilemmas and contradictions underlie the processes of organization and mobilization in the contemporary period. Thus, we conclude that the Natal territory, as in contemporary Brazil, the urban and political action movements that show the public scene and intertwine necessarily relate to historical trend that has been performing since the 1990s, when the country entered a period marked by a new bourgeois offensive

Os cenários políticos da intervenção portuguesa na Banda Oriental do Uruguai (1811 e 1816)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O integralismo pliniano: autoritarismo e ordem na defesa da nação

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Estudo da prática de escritores contemporâneos guineenses

The aim of this final essay is to study the writing practice of contemporary writers from Guinea Bissau, one of the countries of the former Portuguese colony, where the literature has developed very late, due to the lack of socio-cultural conditions for the development of the this practice. This happened because the country was delay was under colonial exploitation for a long time, under the command of the portuguese government. Among the elements that explain this situation is the presence of a restrictive and longcolonial education policy.The interest of this research consists in issues relating to the practice of writing and identity, It is an exploratory study which aims to gather information and reflect a) on discourses of contemporary Guinean writers about their writing practice and b) journalistic and academic discourses about the writing practice of these writers. The search of the corpus is made mainly on the Internet and the time frame set for the talks is collected from 1990 to 2010. The issues that guide the research are: 1) How is the writing practice of these writers ?, 2) What is the purpose of writing in this socio-historical context?, 3) What are the consequences of this practice for the production of the identity of these individuals? The results have revealed that: the practice of writing have a important role in the production of Guineansubject identity, because it has been related to the identity and political movements; the use of native languages and Creole in these practices, is indicative of the attempt to build in writing, an identity for the self who writes and for the other represented. This identity speaks to the cultural manifestations of the African people

Imprensa italiana em São Paulo e o fascismo: o Fanfulla (1921-1942)

This article intends to verify the Fanfulla's action in the dynamic of the political propaganda, as well as the cultural exchanges established with the fascism during 1922-1924. The leading question is insert on the political culture studies concerned with the significance of the fascism spread among the Italian immigrants and his descendants located on the Sao Paulo State. It unfold in others questions: the reason of the Mussolini government pledge to publish those ideas, the themes approached in this propaganda, the reactions it rise, as well on the Italian community, the Brazilian government and political movements. On this issue is included the position of the Brazilian government, on the Brazilian diplomacy or in the repressive agencies toward fascist Italy and the supporters of the fascism. The choice of the newspaper Fanfulla is justified for its position in the historiography, considered the most expressive source for this study, due its longevity, relations with the fascist regime and diffusion on Sao Paulo State.

O Punk não é só para o seu Namorado: esfera pública alternativa, processos de identificação e testemunho na cena musical Riot Grrrl

The Riot Grrrl movement started in mid-90s and it consists of girls who use rock as a tool of feminist political struggle. Besides using music as a central element of political identity, this movement is also characterized by the formation of an alternative public sphere (formed by fanzines, blogs and e-zines) that functions both as a way to spread their music and as identification trigger mechanism in relation to their political causes. The aim of this article is to study the instruments that these feminists bands - that deviate from the traditional feminist political movements - use to create identification with their audience, especially from an empirical research of e-zines published by these bands and from the communicative action of their leaders in social networks. It is possible to note that, despite other identification mechanisms, testimonies works as a socialization link which marks the alternative public sphere composed by publications made by Riot Grrrls. The testimony serves as a powerful arranger of collective identities, since it is presupposed in the recognition of a world in common, allocating identity as performative action.