Documenting the inevitable: Voting behaviour at the 2013 Australian election

This chapter uses data from the 2013 Australian Election Study (AES), conducted by Clive Bean, Ian McAllister, Juliet Pietsch and Rachel Gibson (Bean et al. 2014) to investigate political attitudes and voting behaviour in the election. The study was funded by the Australian Research Council and involved a national survey of political attitudes and behaviour using a self-completion questionnaire mailed to respondents on the day before the 7 September election. The sample was a systematic random sample of enrolled voters throughout Australia, drawn by the Australian Electoral Commission. Respondents were given the option of returning the completed questionnaire by reply-paid mail or completing the survey online. Non-respondents were sent several follow-up mailings and the final sample size was 3955, representing a response rate of 34 per cent. The data were weighted to reflect population parameters for gender, age, state and vote.

Generations and turnout : The generational effect in electoral participation in Finland

The relationship between age and turnout has been curve-linear as electoral participation first increases with age, remains relatively stable throughout middle-age and then gradually declines as certain physical infirmities set in (see e.g. Milbrath 1965). Alongside this life-cycle effect in voting, recent pooled cross-sectional analyses (see e.g. Blais et al. 2004; Lyons and Alexander 2000) have shown that there is also a generational effect, referring to lasting differences in turnout between various age groups. This study firstly examines the extent to which the generational effect applies in the Finnish context. Secondly, it investigates the factors accounting for that effect. The first article, based on individual-level register data from the parliamentary elections of 1999, shows that turnout differences between the different age groups would be even larger if there were no differences in social class and education. The second article examines simultaneously the effects of age, generation and period in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 1975-2003 based on pooled data from Finnish voter barometers (N = 8,634). The results show that there is a clear life cycle, generational and period effect. The third article examines the role of political socialisation in accounting for generational differences in electoral participation. Political socialisation is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various values, political attitudes, and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The multivariate analysis, based on the Finnish national election study 2003 (N=1,270), indicated that if there were no differences in socialisation between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be much larger than if only sex and socioeconomic factors are controlled for. The fourth article examines other possible factors related to generational effect in voting. The results mainly apply to the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 in which we have data available. The results show that the sense of duty by far accounts for the generational effect in voting. Political interest, political knowledge and non-parliamentary participation also narrowed the differences in electoral participation between the youngest and the second youngest generations. The implication of the findings is that the lower turnout among the current youth is not a passing phenomenon that will diminish with age. Considering voting a civic duty and understanding the meaning of collective action are both associated with the process of political socialisation which therefore has an important role concerning the generational effect in turnout.

Jälkimaterialismi traditiosidonnaisten varmuuksien hajotessa. Voiko Ronald Inglehartin hiljaista arvovallankumousta selittää refleksiivisen modernisaatioteorian kautta?

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Ronald Inglehartin hiljaisen arvovallankumouksen teoriaa refleksiivisen modernisaatioteorian piiristä johdettujen vaihtoehtoisten yhteiskunnallisen epävarmuuden kasvuun liitty-vien selitysmallien kautta. Inglehartin teoria antaa ymmärtää, että modernisaation myötä käynnissä on ollut hiljainen prosessi, jossa aineellisen hyvinvoinnin ja turvallisuuden parissa kasvavat sukupolvet omaksuvat edeltäjiään jälkimaterialistisempia arvoja. Tutkimuksessa johdetaan Inglehartin teorialle kaksi rinnakkaista selitysmallia, jotka perustuvat Ulrich Beckin ja Anthony Giddensin modernisaatioteoretisoin-teihin. Ensimmäisessä mallissa Inglehartin määrittämää jälkimaterialismia pyritään selittämään Giddensin teorian avulla modernisaation myötä tapahtuvan traditioiden purkautumisen myötä yksilötasolla ilmenevän uudenlaisen autonomian kokemisen kautta, jolloin jälkimaterialismin oletetaan olevan yleisempää sellais-ten ihmisten keskuudessa, jotka traditioista irtautuessaan kykenevät onnistuneeseen itsereflektioon. Empiiristä mallinnusta varten koostetaan faktorianalyysillä kaksi Giddensin teoriaan perustuvaa jälkima-terialismia selittävää muuttujaa, joiden välinen yhteisvaikutus on tilastollisen analyysin keskiössä. Toinen malli perustuu Beckin riskiyhteiskuntateoretisointiin ja perustuu pitkälle kehittyneen modernisaa-tion mukanaan tuomien uudenlaisten riskien ja epävarmuuksien kokemiseen ja olettaa, että huolestunei-suus uudenlaisten riskien ja epävarmuuksien suhteen näkyy suurempana materialististen arvojen omak-sumisena. Selitysmalleja testataan empiirisesti ordinaalisella regression- sekä kovarianssianalyysillä World Values Survey 2005:n, European Values Study 2008:n sekä saksalaisen Political Attitudes, Political Participati-on and Voter Conduct in United Germany –surveyn vuosien 1994-2002 aineistoilla. Empiirisen analyysin perusteella kumpaakaan mallia ei kuitenkaan voida näyttää toteen käytettävissä olevilla aineistoilla. Tut-kimuksessa pyritään siten vielä problematisoimaan tutkimusasetelman operationalisointiin liittyviä on-gelmakohtia survey-aineistojen suhteen mahdollisten jatkotutkimuksien kannalta.

Zur kognitiven Konstruktion von (Un-)Gerechtigkeit militärischer Gewalt: Die moralische Beurteilung des Kosovo-Kriegs

With reference to the Kosovo war, we examined how the (un-)justness of military intervention is cognitively constructed. Four types of reinterpretation were hypothesized to relate to positive evaluation of the intervention: minimisation of negative consequences of NATO's intervention, denial of responsibility of the Western countries for the war, blame of Yugoslavia, and justification of the intervention through positive motives. As determinants of evaluation of the war, belief in a just world, militarism-pacifism, authoritarianism, and diffuse political support were taken into account. Hypotheses were tested with 165 university students using structural equation modelling. Consistent with our assumptions, the four types of reinterpretation related strongly to positive evaluation of the intervention, showing their relevance with regard to military intervention. Further, the assessed political attitudes influenced evaluation of the war while, contrary to predictions, belief in a just world did not. The causal status of the reinterpretations and the interplay of belief in a just world and political attitudes are discussed.

El liderazgo carismático religioso como elemento fundamental en la permanencia del movimiento independiente de renovación absoluta (MIRA) en el panorama electoral colombiano (2000-2014)

El propósito de esta investigación es explorar los efectos del liderazgo carismático religioso sobre el desempeño electoral y la supervivencia del movimiento político MIRA en Colombia. Para ello, emplea una metodología cualitativa, que se vale principalmente de entrevistas a profundidad y observación no participante, para acercarse a las prácticas religiosas y a las actitudes políticas de los fieles de la Iglesia de Dios Ministerial de Jesucristo Internacional. A partir de la información recabada a lo largo de este estudio, se pretende demostrar que hay una relación entre el tamaño de la congregación religiosa y el número de votos que obtiene el movimiento MIRA. Ello, gracias a que el papel que María Luisa Piraquive desempeña dentro de la comunidad religiosa contribuye a la legitimación del accionar del movimiento político y al surgimiento de un voluntariado activo dentro de este, que se comporta disciplinada y comprometidamente con los objetivos de dicha organización.

¿Régimen del terror o aceptación pasiva?: cultura política nicaragüense durante el régimen de los Somoza (1936 – 1979)

Esta monografía busca explicar la incidencia de la cultura política nicaragüense en el mantenimiento del régimen de los Somoza (1936 – 1979). Se explorará la incidencia de la cultura política nicaragüense en el régimen autoritario tradicional de los Somoza a través de las orientaciones cognitivas, afectivas y evaluativas de la población, que permitieron el mantenimiento y una relativa estabilidad y duración de aquél en Nicaragua. Se comprenderá el régimen somocista como un régimen autoritario tradicional. Posteriormente, siguiendo los postulados de Gabriel Almond y Sidney Verba, se identificará los principales elementos de la cultura política nicaragüense durante el régimen de los Somoza y por último, se explicará cómo incidió la cultura política en la aceptación pasiva del régimen, el uso del terror como una herramienta de estabilización y la ausencia de una identidad ciudadana democrática.

СЛІДИ КОНФЛІКТУ – ПОЛІТИЧНІ В’ЯЗНІ У ПРОЗІ ЗОФІЇ НАЛКОВСЬКОЇ

The main aim of the article is highlighting subplots present in the prose works of Nałkowska which are devoted to Ukrainian and Belarusian political prisoners. The author maintains that the Polish colonizing activity along the so-called ‘Eastern Borderland’ requires a detailed and comprehensive study. The results of this analys is should then be compared against contemporary Ukrainian literature as well as the history of the national liberation and nationalist movements at the beginning of 20th century. The article explores three prose texts by Nałkowska, that is, “Węzły życia” (The Bonds of Life), “Niedobra miłość” (Bad Love) and “Ściany świata” (The Walls of the World). The subplots present in all three works can be analyzed in terms of inevident, yet indelible traces pertaining to ethnic conflicts between Poles, Ukrainians and Belarusians, as well as the Jewish pogroms. The themes that span the above- mentioned text can be outlined as follows: first of all, the radical metamorphosis of political attitudes on the part of the protagonists representing former Legionists; secondly, the heroines’ active work for the benefit of the prisoners, also the political ones. In spite of censorship and visibly more and more extreme politics of the authoritarian state towards ethnic minorities, Nałkowska remained one of the few writers who managed to deliver the arrested history of persecutions. Keywords: politics of colonization, national minority, traces of conflict, political prisoners

Tear identitário:a prática docente em arte como conhecimento compartilhado

This investigative tissue is about the formation of identification processes of teachers and pedagogical practice of Art, in Teresina city. This search comprised the sum of the needs presented, agreed upon with the teachers engaged in the process, it was developed through the establishment of interactive environment Loom Team where collaboration and critical reflection were steering actions to promote the understanding of existing connections or relations within the processes of identifications and the pedagogical practice of Art. The tissue is formed by the polyphonic plot of the critical reflection of nine teachers of Art who engaged voluntarily and this investigation of formative nature and a production of knowledge. All these teachers have degree and the course of artistic education and especial qualification in Fine Arts and/or Drawing. The texture, which we denominated Identification Loom: The pedagogical practice of Art as share knowledge is (de) (re) construction of knowledge resulting from the critical reflection, in an environment of collaboration, which may have implications and ethical political attitudes in the pedagogical practice of the group. Within this context, we pose the following question: - How does the pedagogical practice in Art influence and/or be influenced by the identification processes of the teachers, and how do they interfere with the search and manifestation of the knowledge involved and the investment in professionalization? In view of this query, we make use of the cooperative investigation, having social history as theoretical reference and as analytic perspective of interactive and dialogical-reflexive processes. Thus, social historic theory, cooperative approach and pedagogical practice were the major components of the plot. The methodological texture counted on the threads of dialogical reflexion, of mediation and of collaboration. The conceptual formulation, the recording in videos of classes and the narratives of formations were the main threads of the analytic substrate of the investigation. With this articulation, theses threads appear as developers of processes leading to a major approximation of the thought on the identity/alterity dialectical pair of the participants involved. The language within this plot had a decisive importance in all the moments of the search of signification, embracing and connecting the identification/alterative processes, the pedagogical practice of Art and the knowledge shared. In such processes involving (de) (re) construction, one can notice a close correlation of the triad social identity, pedagogical practice and knowledge shared. For this reason, the vigotskian, guetmanovian and kopnian theoretizations were the major framework for the analysis of conceptual formulations; and, as for discourse analysis, Baktin and Orlandi were our masters. For these teachers, the experience shared throughout the process of this typology of tri-axial investigation focused the experience of many theoretical and practical assumptions. Such an experience enabled them to state that this, with collaboration, can make reflection on the practice a starting and promoting element, within the individual level of self-management, in addition to being a space of (de)(re)construction of meanings, of knowledge and of reinvention per se

Projeto político de formação do enfermeiro: contextos, textos, (re)construções

This research analyses politic Project for nursing education, in its articulation with economical, political and social context of 1970s and 1980s in national level and, in special, nurse formation process in FAEN/UERN space, situating it on the context of Brazilian sanitary reformation movement and participation movement. The thesis is firmed on the sense of explaining whether that movement circa the nurse formation process has been able to build necessary instruments for the transformation of biomedical formation model historically consolidated, in the perspective of conceiving another model anchored on social determination of health/illness process, with the purpose of assuring ethical and political commitment with the SUS praised by sanitary reformation. The study visualized the object considering its specificity, its concrete historical determinations and institutional as well as organizational relationships that permeate possibilities of valorizing it, analyzing it, interpreting it and rebuilding it. Its operationalization occurred in three movements, it means, bibliographical review; documents study; interviews and focal groups realized with professors of the institution. We can apprehend as main results that the nurse formation process has incorporated widely spread conceptions by the sanitary reformation movement and participation movement, assuming the commitment with transformation of health services and social reality. Nevertheless it prevails, still, amongst some professors in the same institutional space, the commitment to a predominantly technicist formation, focused on instrumental knowledge. Opinion divergence explicit diversity of conceptions circa education and, as consequence, distinct political commitments, also contradictory to formation. Thus, there is a lacuna between what is foreseen on political pedagogical project and what is rendered in FAEN/UERN, evidencing the clash related to conceptual bases of formation project. Interpretations, divergent political attitudes and resistances to the process allowed several formation ways. However, formation under new conceptual bases, find limits on the context of social politics implemented in Brazil during the 1990s, neoliberal-based, expressed on expansion and consolidation of health private system, managed by market rules, strengthening biomedical formation model. Notwithstanding, there is a favorable to its implementation, starting from the first years of 21st century, moment when Brazilian sanitary reformation reappear on health speech, as well as facing the policy of permanent education in health. This reality explicit a process of dialectical tension between instituted and institutor, anticipating the moment of scission or adaptation and return to what is already known. Despite of clashed, knowledge, accumulated experience, contribution to services, the construction of partnerships out of university space and articulation with national movement of (re)orientation of nurse formation, have been constituted as vital instruments to offer support to formation in FAEN/UERN. Still, we consider necessary the (re)visitation to FAEN/UERN politic pedagogical Project considering the existing and implemented construction, without, yet, depreciate the norther axis of the project at the reaching of its intentionality

Deputados estaduais e democracia: Valores políticos das elites parlamentares paulista e paranaense

After 20 years of reestablished democracy in Brazil, what do the state legislators think about the regime? The goal of the article is to show the views of state legislators of the Legislative Assemblies of the States of São Paulo and Paraná on democracy. For the views we use a structured and self-administered questionnaire. The results show that for the state legislators: i) democracy is stable, ii) it is superior to any other kind of regime, iii) it's support comes from some public policy and the use of voting and iv) parties and elections are important for democracy.

O Instituto Paraense de Educandos Artífices e a morigerância dos meninos desvalidos na Belém da Belle époque

Esta pesquisa aborda o atendimento à criança desvalida na capital da província do Grão Pará, entre os anos 1870-1889, dando destaque para o Instituto Paraense de Educandos Artífices, fundado em 1872. As questões que mobilizaram todo o processo investigativo foram: 1) Quem eram as crianças que a legislação relacionada à instrução pública no período imperial chamava de desvalidas, de menos favorecidas, e que na província do Grão Pará eram consideradas também degradadas? 2) Qual a relação dessas crianças com o Estado e deste para com essas crianças? 3) Que políticas públicas foram pensadas no sentido de garantir o atendimento a essas crianças? 4) Qual a importância do Instituto Paraense de Educandos Artífices no contexto da província com a expansão da exploração da borracha? Com base nessas questões, estabeleceu-se como objetivo geral “compreender, por meio de uma análise interrelacional de acontecimentos que se articulam à existência do Instituto de Artífices, a infância na capital da província do Grão Pará, entre os anos 1870-1889, tendo em vista a sua relação com os ideários de formação do processo civilizador das populações do norte do Brasil”. No plano teórico-metodológico, essa análise inspirou-se na Nova História ao tentar aproximar os dados documentais das histórias social e cultural, trazendo à superfície o contexto do lugar na sua dimensão micro/macro. As fontes primárias utilizadas foram os relatórios dos presidentes da província e dos diretores do Instituto, a legislação educacional local, minutas de ofícios e artigos de periódicos de circulação na cidade de Belém à época. Os resultados revelam, dentre inúmeros achados, que o atendimento à criança desvalida, degradada, da província do Grão Pará, entre os anos 1870-1889, teve no Instituto sua principal política. Isso representou reconhecer, com base nos dados que emergiram dos documentos em articulação com a bibliografia estudada, que as políticas de atendimento à criança na província do Grão Pará, e o Instituto em destaque, no período já ressaltado, configuram-se em instrumentos de consolidação dos ideais iluministas produzidos na Europa, materializados no projeto civilizador de transformar índios e mestiços em cidadãos “distinctos e morigerados”. Tal tentativa contou com as condições favoráveis produzidas pela economia da borracha que, no imaginário de governantes, homens de letras e de uma elite local, constituiu a Belém da belle époque. Não alheia a todas as mudanças ocorridas nos planos econômico e político, os desfavorecidos da fortuna, à margem das vantagens promovidas pelas mudanças que se instituíam, trataram de aproveitar as oportunidades oferecidas no plano educacional, mesmo que não aceitassem as condições apresentadas, as regras estabelecidas e as manipulações operadas pela politicagem. Entrando pela porta de trás da modernidade, já que o atendimento educacional ofertado estava muito longe do que se propagandeava, e deveras alheio aos interesses das populações submetidas aos modelos institucionais de educação da província, os dados coletados para o interesse deste estudo indicam que alguma apropriação se deu por parte dos atendidos, mesmo apartada do que havia sido projetado no plano da governação oficial.

Zum Demokratieverständnis von Jugendlichen in Deutschland : eine empirische Untersuchung mit Implikationen für die politische Bildung

Die Arbeit untersucht anhand empirischer Daten aus dem Jahr 2012 (ESS 6) das normative Demokratieverständnis von Jugendlichen im Alter zwischen 15 und 26 Jahren. Im Unterschied zu vorangegangenen Studien wird das normative Demokratieverständnis der Jugendlichen zum einen detaillierter untersucht, zum anderen dem der Erwachsenen gegenüber gestellt und drittens werden dessen Determinanten umfassender betrachtet. rnDen theoretischen Rahmen der Untersuchung bilden das klassische Konzept der politischen Kultur und die politische Sozialisationstheorie. rnEs zeigt sich, dass Jugendliche über ein verhältnismäßig gut ausgeprägtes normatives Demokratieverständnis verfügen, dieses jedoch niedriger ausgeprägt ist als das der Erwachsenen, wobei letzterer Befund für ältere Jugendliche nur noch punktuell gilt. Zudem weisen die Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass bei den Jugendlichen weitestgehend die gleichen Aspekte des normativen Demokratieverständnisses im gruppeninternen Vergleich über- bzw. unterdurchschnittlich ausgeprägt sind wie bei den Erwachsenen. Unterschiede zwischen Jugendlichen und Erwachsenen zeigen sich insbesondere für die elektorale Dimension der Demokratie und weniger für die liberale Dimension. Als wichtige Determinanten des Demokratieverständnisses von Jugendlichen werden sowohl der individuelle Bildungsgrad und das individuelle politische Interesse als auch der Bildungshintergrund der Eltern identifiziert.rnAus den Ergebnissen werden am Ende der Arbeit Implikationen mit Bezügen zu Inhalten, Adressaten und Akteuren politischer Bildungsarbeit diskustiert. rn

Side effects of gender-fair language: How feminine job titles influence the evaluation of female applicants

In many languages, feminization has been used as a strategy to make language more gender-fair, because masculine terms, even in a generic function, exhibit a male bias. Up to date, little is known about possible side effects of this language use, for example, in personnel selection. In three studies, conducted in Polish, we analyzed how a female applicant was evaluated in a recruitment process, depending on whether she was introduced with a feminine or masculine job title. To avoid influences from existing occupations and terms, we used fictitious job titles in Studies 1 and 2: diarolożka (feminine) and diarolog (masculine). In Study 3, we referred to existing occupations that varied in gender stereotypicality. In all studies, female applicants with a feminine job title were evaluated less favorably than both a male applicant (Study 1) and a female applicant with a masculine job title (Studies 1, 2, and 3). This effect was independent of the gender stereotypicality of the occupation (Study 3). Participants' political attitudes, however, moderated the effect: Conservatives devaluated female applicants with a feminine title more than liberals (Studies 2 and 3).

Great expectations: what can fMRI research tell us about psychological phenomena?

Expectations for what functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) can offer psychophysiology vary greatly. Overreaching enthusiasm such as the idea that fMRI can reveal lies and political attitudes are as common as the opinion that fMRI, in its current form, is useless for the advancement of psychological theories. Errors in the inferences being drawn from fMRI data may be contributing to each of these extreme positions, so the present paper addresses these several common inferential errors and describes some of the potential of fMRI for psychophysiological theory and research.

Identidad y decisiones políticas de jóvenes brasileños, argentinos y uruguayos

Basado en datos cuantitativos producidos por la investigación piloto "Jóvenes frente a la Historia", este texto analiza algunas características de la cultura política y conciencia histórica de jóvenes, especialmente relativas a sus referencias de identidad y actitudes políticas. Metodológicamente, el proyecto ha trabajado con cuestionario de escala Likert, aplicado a jóvenes de distintas regiones de Brasil, Argentina y Uruguay. Se discute el tema de la identidad y elecciones políticas en la contemporaneidad, y se analizan algunos de los resultados del cuestionario sobre esos temas. Los resultados demuestran el predominio de valores individuales o individualistas, matizados por algunas preocupaciones en la zona de confluencia entre lo personal y lo colectivo - es decir el bienestar social y la preservación de la naturaleza. El estudio también revela una tendencia general a posiciones menos marcadas, más próximas a la indiferencia o ausencia de opinión