A legitimate paradox: Neo-liberal reform and the return of the state in Korea

This article examines the neo-liberal reforms that the Kim government implemented in post-crisis Korea. It argues that by embracing the reforms, the state, paradoxicaliy, re-legitimised itself in the national political economy. The process of enacting the reforms completed the power shift from a collusive state-chaebol alliance towards a new alliance based on a more populist social contract - but one that nonetheless generally conformed to the tenets of neo-liberalism. Kim and his closest associates identified the malpractices of the chaebols as the main cause of the crisis, so reforming the chaebols would be the key to economic recovery. Combining populism and neo-liberalism, they drew on support from both domestic and international sources to rein in, rather than nurture, the chaebols.

Whither critical pedagogy in the neo-liberal university today? Two UK practitioners' reflections on constraints and possibilities

This paper, based on the reflections of two academic social scientists, offers a starting point for dialogue about the importance of critical pedagogy within the university today, and about the potentially transformative possibilities of higher education more generally. We first explain how the current context of HE, framed through neoliberal restructuring, is reshaping opportunities for alternative forms of education and knowledge production to emerge. We then consider how insights from both critical pedagogy and popular education inform our work in this climate. Against this backdrop, we consider the effects of our efforts to realise the ideals of critical pedagogy in our teaching to date and ask how we might build more productive links between classroom and activist practices. Finally, we suggest that doing so can help facilitate a more fully articulated reconsideration of the meanings, purposes and practices of HE in contemporary society. This paper also includes responses from two educational developers, Janet Strivens and Ranald Macdonald, with the aim of creating a dialogue on the role of critical pedagogy in higher education.

"Natural" disasters as (neo-liberal) opportunity? Discussing post-hurricane Katrina urban regeneration in New Orleans

By providing a wide literature review, post-hurricane Katrina uneven urban regeneration in New Orleans is presented here by framing it within a historical perspective in order to underline how environmental threats too often seem to be not so much “natural” but rather man-made as well as to highlight both the reasons and the ways in which, in post-disaster reconstruction, competitive growth has been valued over equity, by directly benefiting those who were already the most advantaged. The aim is to highlight how environmental disasters can be considered as socially constructed phenomena, as they cannot be seen as a single event but rather as a process made by a series of progressive steps occurring within different spheres, which do not necessarily concern the environment only.

L’internationalisme cubain face à la norme d’intervention humanitaire (néo)libérale

Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, la pratique de l’aide humanitaire est principalement devenue l’apanage des Occidentaux et de ses alliés, contribuant à l’émergence d’une norme d’intervention (néo)libérale. Cette recherche vise à déterminer s’il existe une pratique alternative; dans cette optique, le cas de l’humanitarisme cubain sera analysé. À partir d’une revue de la littérature et d’un travail de terrain conduit à Cuba auprès de coopérants ayant servi dans le cadre de « missions internationalistes », cette recherche se déroule selon trois étapes principales. Dans un premier temps, il s’agira, à partir des études réalisées par les auteurs post-foucaldiens tels que Duffield, Pupavac, McFalls et Pandolfi, de déterminer la nouvelle tendance de l’aide humanitaire apparue au sortir de la Guerre froide. Cette dernière a été représentée sous une forme idéal-typique par Laurence McFalls qui a identifié l’exercice de la gouvernementalité (thérapeutique) (néo)libérale sur les terrains d’intervention. Dans un deuxième temps, le coeur du travail consistera à élaborer l’idéal-type du modèle d’intervention cubain à partir des entrevues réalisées à Cuba. Dans cette seconde étape, il conviendra de caractériser la logique de l’action de l’humanitarisme cubain n’ayant pas encore été établie par les chercheurs. La troisième étape reposera sur la comparaison critique entre les deux idéauxtypes ayant été présentés, dans le but, ultimement, de déterminer si l’humanitarisme cubain s’inscrit dans la norme (néo)libérale ou si, au contraire, il présente une alternative à celle-ci. Ceci permettra d’élaborer une réflexion sur l’hégémonie, la domination légitime et la place de l’humanitaire dans les relations internationales.

Práticas discursivas de regulamentação e liberdade no processo de desenvolvimento profissional: a constituição de subjetividades de professores na Revista Nova Escola

This present thesis has the object to study the discursive constitution the teacher s subjectivities of practice permeating the sections of the magazine Nova Escola between the years 2000-2005. Problematizes how the teacher s subjectivities are produced facing the discourse of truth, which effects establishes a program for autonomist professional development in a perspective of neo-liberal governmentality. Then from this uneasiness arises some requisite questions: in the new century how teacher s subjectivities are discursively produced in magazine s sections Nova Escola during those five years of governmentality? In which perspective the discourses throughout government documents in related with professional development reflect in the linguistic-discursive repertories adopted by Nova Escola? How the experts belonging to the cadre from and/or guests from the magazine, seeking equip discursive the teacher s subjectivities for the XXI Century? Therefore, this paper objective is to examine the linguistics strategies used to produce these subjectivities at magazine s sections, what it admittedly teaches another method how to be teacher; and also it analyzes the discursive practices that compound and set boundaries to the autonomist professional development proposed by sections the magazine; describe technologies used by experts to equip and conduct of conduct the teacher to govern the self. This research is inserted theoretically in the field of Applied Linguistis, to the Cultural Studies and about the contribution of Michel Foucault s theories and methodologically in the perspective discursive interpretative. The results seek to show that the teacher s subjectivities are produced by many technologies of the self, traversed by government discourses and ratified by discursive practices of the magazine s experts. That discourse, without any oppressing or authoritarian connotation, opens space for practice of Freedom and self guiding to both constitute the subjectivity process of the teacher in the XXI Century s path

The effect of BREEAM on clients and construction professionals

The effects and influence of the Building Research Establishment’s Environmental Assessment Methods (BREEAM) on construction professionals are examined. Most discussions of building assessment methods focus on either the formal tool or the finished product. In contrast, BREEAM is analysed here as a social technology using Michel Foucault’s theory of governmentality. Interview data are used to explore the effect of BREEAM on visibilities, knowledge, techniques and professional identities. The analysis highlights a number of features of the BREEAM assessment process which generally go unremarked: professional and public understandings of the method, the deployment of different types of knowledge and their implication for the authority and legitimacy of the tool, and the effect of BREEAM on standard practice. The analysis finds that BREEAM’s primary effect is through its impact on standard practices. Other effects include the use of assessment methods to defend design decisions, its role in both operationalizing and obscuring the concept of green buildings, and the effect of tensions between project and method requirements for the authority of the tool. A reflection on assessment methods as neo-liberal tools and their adequacy for the promotion of sustainable construction suggests several limitations of lock-in that hinder variation and wider systemic change.

Neo-liberalismo, educação e racionalização: a criação da Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política como prática política da grande indústria paulista nos anos 30.

Na efrevescência político-social que marcou as décadas de 1920 e 1930 no Brasil, quatro grandes temas ganhavam destaque e apareciam como bandeira comum à maioria dos atores em luta: industrialização, revolução, racionalização e educação. Em São Paulo, em meio as lutas pela universalização de uma vontade particular, o tema da educação ganha cores mais vivas, seja como lugar previlegiado do confronto político, seja, ao contrário como elemento aglutinador de grupos com interesses divergentes - como se pode observar quando do fortalecimento da bandeira da união em torno dos interesses paulistas. Bandeira essa que chega a transformar-se em forte mistica a partir do Movimento Constitucionalista de 1932: somente São Paulo seria capaz de fornecer homens suficientemente competentes para compor a elite dirigente do Brasil, um pais que passava por um período de grave crise provocada, principalmente, pela inexistência de uma sólida estrutura educacional moderna que fosse capaz de reeducar as massas e formar técnicos competentes para administar as coisas públicas. Com o fim do Movimento de 32, que havia sustentado uma aliança de diferentes grupos paulistas, entre eles o grupo político do jornal O Estado de São Paulo, principal responsável pelo projeto de criação da Universidade de São Paulo em 1934, e o núcleo de empresários representados pela FIESP (Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo) -, as práticas políticas particulares são retomadas. Em 1933, os empresários tomam a dianteira criando a Escola Livre de Sociologia e política, que aparece como um dos mais importantes atos políticosda grande indústria no Brasil. No discurso de inauguração, Roberto Simonsen, presidente da FIESP, admitindo a necessidade de reformulação do velho liberalismo ortodoxo e defendendo um Estado neo-liberal, indica a prática de largos horizontes com a qual essa escola deveria estar comprometida: a instituição de verdades científicas sobre a realidade brasileira, capazes de proporcionar os instrumentos necessários para garantir a correta ação de um Estado normatizador da sociedade segundo a vontade da grande indústria.

The Social City : Middle-way approaches to housing and sub-urban golvernmentality in southern Stockholm, 1900-1945

This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.

Social Work and a New Social Order - Challenging Neo-liberalism's Erosion of Solidarity

The world in which social work operates today is a very different world from that in which most of us took their social work training, and the changes we are facing are profound. This paper argues that these changes are not merely a regime change in social policy but that they are essentially about a re-ordering of social relationships and attempt to model them on neo-liberal ideas. In view of these pressures it is understandable that social workers often try to ignore those changes and withdraw into a private world of therapeutic relationships in which the methods they trained in are made to be still valid, or they simply go along with new service delivery designs without asking too many questions. Both reactions fail to question what the "social" can still mean in the light of these changes and how social workers can fulfil their mandate to be responsible for the social dimension of public life. Nothing less than a head-on challenge of the basic presuppositions of neo-liberalism (Willke 2003) and their manifold applications to social service delivery systems will thereby suffice.

Trabalho, tempo livre e emancipação humana : os determinantes ontologicos das politicas sociais de lazer

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Globalizing policy sociology in education: Working with Bourdieu

This paper uses Bourdieu to develop theorizing about policy processes in education and to extend the policy cycle approach in a time of globalization. Use is made of Bourdieu's concept of social field and the argument is sustained that in the context of globalization the field of educational policy has reduced autonomy, with enhanced cross-field effects in educational policy production, particularly from the fields of the economy and journalism. Given the social rather than geographical character of Bourdieu's concept of social fields, it is also argued that the concept can be, and indeed has to be, stretched beyond the nation to take account of the emergent global policy field in education. Utilizing Bourdieu's late work on the globalization of the economy through neo-liberal politics, we argue that a non-reified account of the emergent global educational policy field can be provided.

A carreira de gestor p??blico e sua forma????o

Apesar de todo investimento nos ??ltimos anos, do poder p??blico, em qualificar profissionais, criar cursos e institui????es para forma????o de gestores p??blicos, o que parece ainda vigorar s??o as indica????es, para os cargos de gestores de unidades de sa??de. A carreira do Gestor P??blico na ??rea de sa??de deve ser feita atrav??s da Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP), criada para tal fim, nos moldes atuais da carreira de Especialistas em Pol??ticas P??blicas e Gest??o Governamental (EPPGG) ou por outras Escolas como a Escola Nacional de Sa??de P??blica (ENSP). A????es e press??es de atores internacionais interferem na gest??o governamental, levando os governantes a promoverem reformas em suas administra????es visando atender esses interesses. Reformas administrativas ocorreram, em sua maioria, n??o por vontade do governo vigente, mas sim por v??rios fatores, sejam internos ou externos ao pa??s. Devido ao processo de globaliza????o e ao ide??rio neoliberal, que defendiam menor participa????o de interven????o do Estado na economia, reformas administrativas ocorreram e vem ocorrendo. Nos anos recentes, visando responder ??s demandas de novos conhecimentos e tecnologias colocadas pelo sistema de sa??de brasileiro em r??pida transforma????o, foi criado o espa??o institucional na, Escola de Governo em Sa??de (EGS), implantada na ENSP em 1998, dedicada a mobilizar e potencializar os esfor??os institucionais especificamente dirigidos a colaborar com a amplia????o da capacidade de governo em sa??de. Faremos uma breve exposi????o da forma????o de profissionais para a carreira de gest??o p??blica em alguns pa??ses das Am??ricas, mostrando a diversidade dos modelos de Escolas de Governo.

As autarquias e a educação. Centro e periferia na construção das políticas educativas (1998-2008)

RESUMO: Com o actual quadro de descentralização de atribuições e competências da administração central para as autarquias locais, na área da educação, os municípios passam a investir cada vez mais na acção educativa ao liderarem e planearem políticas educativas locais mais ou menos explícitas, e, nalguns casos, tentando superar carências que o sistema educativo apresenta. Esta pesquisa tem como problemática compreender o papel do Estado na (re)configuração das políticas de educação, quando a tendência para a mudança, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, tem por pressuposto o discurso neoliberal de que com ‗menos‘ Estado mas maior accountability se obtêm melhores resultados. Este processo origina uma redefinição no papel e funções do Estado no plano social e económico, provocando constrangimentos e conflitos de poder no que respeita ao seu controlo político, com a redistribuição de poderes entre o Estado e a comunidade, entre o central e o local. É neste contexto de mudança que a presente investigação, que se situa no âmbito da análise das políticas educativas, procura averiguar como e com que meios as autarquias locais concretizam as suas competências na área da educação. A estratégia de investigação concentra-se em uma metodologia qualitativa, com a utilização de um estudo exploratório, em três municípios da Região de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo. As actuais políticas educativas derivam da nova visão na gestão da coisa pública – res publica –, como resultado da nova concepção para o próprio Estado, e dos processos de elaboração das decisões político-educativas. Nesta perspectiva, a descentralização passa a ser um instrumento do poder local que favorece o aumento da autoridade democrática dos actores. Todavia, a governação – governance – supõe uma dinâmica de negociação, até mesmo de regulação entre o Estado, a região, o local, a escola e o mercado, feita para atender à construção do interesse geral, que já não é totalmente definido pelo Estado, mas construído em conjunto com as diversas forças políticas, económicas, educativas e sociais. O estudo permitiu evidenciar que a descentralização é posta em causa pelo Estado central, quando este ‗recentraliza‘ decisões e condiciona o poder local, com o fecho da maioria das escolas do primeiro ciclo e a verticalização dos agrupamentos escolares. Por sua vez, algumas políticas educativas como a ‗Escola a Tempo Inteiro‘ fomentam a desregulação dos vínculos laborais, forçando os municípios a aumentar os seus meios técnicos e humanos e a construírem novas infra-estruturas educativas. As políticas educativas passaram a ser concebidas segundo uma matriz híbrida, que visam a municipalização da educação – do pré-escolar e de todo o ensino básico –, por um lado; e fomentam a situação de ‗quase-mercado‘ com a privatização de sectores e o financiamento de várias instituições – que fornecem serviços na área da educação –, por outro lado. ABSTRACT: With the current framework of decentralization of functions and powers from central government to local authorities, in education, the municipalities are investing each more in educational work in leading educational policies and planning places more or less explicit and in some cases, trying to overcome shortcomings that education system. This research aims to understand the role of the state in the (re) configuration of education policies, when the tendency for the change in a State-Educator for a State-regulator, is the assumption that neo-liberal speech that with 'less' State but with more accountability we achieve better results. This process leads to a redefinition of the role and State functions in socio-economic constraints, resulting in power struggles with regard to its political control, with the redistribution of powers between the state and community, between the central and local. It is in this changing context that the present investigation, which lies in the examination of education policy addresses the question how and by what means the local, materialized their skills in education. The strategy focuses on a qualitative methodology, with the use of an exploratory study in three municipalities of Lisbon and Tagus Valley. The current education policies come from the new vision in the management of public affairs - res publica - as a result of the new design for the State itself, and the process of preparation of educational policy decisions. In this perspective, decentralization becomes an instrument of local government that favours the increase of democratic authority of the actors. However, the governance assumes a dynamic negotiation, even in regulation between the State, region, local authorities, school and market, made to suit the construction of general interest, which is not anymore fully defined by the State, but constructed together with the various political, economic, educational and social forces. The study indicates that decentralization is undermined by the central government when it ‗re-centralize‘ decisions and the local conditions, with the closure of most primary schools and with vertical groupings of schools. In turn, some educational policies such as 'Full Time School' forced the municipalities to increase their technical and human resources, to build new educational infrastructure. The educative policies began to be designed according to a hybrid matrix, which aims the decentralization of education - from pre-school and all the primary school - on one hand, and promote the situation of 'quasi-market' with privatization of sectors and the financing of several institutions - that provide services in education -, on the other hand. RÉSUMÉ: Avec le cadre actuel de décentralisation des fonctions et pouvoirs du gouvernement central aux autorités locales, dans l'éducation, les municipalités investissent de plus en plus dans le travail éducatif dans la conduite des politiques éducatives en mener et en faisant la planification des lieux plus ou moins explicites et, dans certains cas, essayer de remédier aux lacunes que présente l'éducation. Donc, nous voulons avec cette recherche comprendre le rôle de l'Etat dans la (re) configuration des politiques d'éducation, alors que la tendance au changement d‘un État-éducateur pour un État-régulateur, a comme l'hypothèse le discours néo-libéral de que avec «moins» État, mais plus d‘accountability on a des meilleurs résultats. Ce processus conduit à une redéfinition du rôle et des fonctions de l'Etat au plan social et économique, en donnant lieu à des luttes de pouvoir à l'égard de son contrôle politique, avec la redistribution des compétences entre l'État et la collectivité, entre les niveaux central et local. C‘est dans ce contexte changeant que la présente enquête, qui réside dans l‘examen de la politique de l‘éducation aborde la question de savoir comment et par quels moyens le local matérialisé leurs compétences dans l‘éducation. La stratégie est axée sur une méthodologie qualitative, avec l'utilisation d'une étude exploratoire dans trois municipalités de Lisbonne et Vallée du Tage. Les politiques actuelles d'éducation sont tirées de la nouvelle vision dans la gestion des affaires publiques - res publica – à la suite de la nouvelle conception de l'État lui-même, et le processus de préparation des décisions politique-éducatives. Dans cette perspective, la décentralisation devient un instrument de gouvernement local qui favorise l'augmentation de l'autorité démocratique des acteurs. Toutefois, la gouvernance assume une dynamique de négociation, même en matière de réglementation entre l'État, la région, le local, l'école et le marché, faite pour répondre à la construction d'intérêt général, qui n'est pas plus entièrement défini par l'Etat, mais construit en ensemble avec les divers forces politiques, économiques, éducatives et sociales. L‘étude indique que la décentralisation est minée par le gouvernement central quand il ‗re-centralise‘ les décisions et les conditions locales, avec la fermeture de la plupart des écoles du premier cycle et avec des groupements verticaux d‘écoles. À leur tour, certaines politiques éducatives telles que ‗l'école à temps plein‘ forcé les municipalités à accroître leurs ressources techniques et humaines, de construire de nouvelles infrastructures éducatives. Les politiques éducatives ont commencé à être conçues selon une matrice hybride, qui vise à la municipalisation de l'éducation - de l'école maternelle et de toute l'école basique - d'une part ; et de promouvoir la situation de «quasi-marché» avec la privatisation de secteurs et le financement de plusieurs institutions - qui offrent des services dans l'éducation -, d‘autre part.

Monetary channels of social inclusion: a case study of basic income and the Caixa Econômica Federal in Brazil

This article reports evidence of new monetary channels for social inclusion involving basic income policies and the Caixa Econômica Federal, a Brazilian government savings bank. Since the Plano Real (Brazilian currency) and the liberalization of banking in the 1990s, the realization of competitive advantages by the Caixa as social policy agent and the importance of citizenship cards differ from existing theories of bank change, financial inclusion and monetary policy. Multi-method research reveals the importance of 1) political theories of basic income, 2) conceptions of citizenship and social justice, and 3) a back to the future modernization of government banking. This provides alternatives to contemporary market-based banking theory, neo-liberal policies, private and non-governmental microfinance strategies, and theories in political economy about fiscal constraints to social policies. New monetary channels of change also suggest that zero sum theories about politics, monetary authority and social inclusion are amiss.