987 resultados para media reform
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En México, se legisló en octubre del 2011 la universalización de la educación media superior. En este contexto el artículo aborda los retos que presenta esta decisión desde la perspectiva de la oferta educativa en sus diferentes modalidades pero también los sentidos del bachillerato para los estudiantes, el nuevo público rural y los problemas de abandono escolar. Discute el tema de la diversificación necesaria y la desigualdad que la acompaña. Caracteriza la Reforma de la Educación Media Superior y la instauración del Sistema Nacional de Bachillerato desde un enfoque administrativo de la gestión y termina apuntando aspectos que habría que fortalecer desde una perspectiva pedagógica y de los sujetos. El escrito se sustenta por un lado en documentos oficiales y en datos del Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación y por el otro en hallazgos de la línea de investigación cualitativa "Jóvenes y bachillerato"
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En México, se legisló en octubre del 2011 la universalización de la educación media superior. En este contexto el artículo aborda los retos que presenta esta decisión desde la perspectiva de la oferta educativa en sus diferentes modalidades pero también los sentidos del bachillerato para los estudiantes, el nuevo público rural y los problemas de abandono escolar. Discute el tema de la diversificación necesaria y la desigualdad que la acompaña. Caracteriza la Reforma de la Educación Media Superior y la instauración del Sistema Nacional de Bachillerato desde un enfoque administrativo de la gestión y termina apuntando aspectos que habría que fortalecer desde una perspectiva pedagógica y de los sujetos. El escrito se sustenta por un lado en documentos oficiales y en datos del Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación y por el otro en hallazgos de la línea de investigación cualitativa "Jóvenes y bachillerato"
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En México, se legisló en octubre del 2011 la universalización de la educación media superior. En este contexto el artículo aborda los retos que presenta esta decisión desde la perspectiva de la oferta educativa en sus diferentes modalidades pero también los sentidos del bachillerato para los estudiantes, el nuevo público rural y los problemas de abandono escolar. Discute el tema de la diversificación necesaria y la desigualdad que la acompaña. Caracteriza la Reforma de la Educación Media Superior y la instauración del Sistema Nacional de Bachillerato desde un enfoque administrativo de la gestión y termina apuntando aspectos que habría que fortalecer desde una perspectiva pedagógica y de los sujetos. El escrito se sustenta por un lado en documentos oficiales y en datos del Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación y por el otro en hallazgos de la línea de investigación cualitativa "Jóvenes y bachillerato"
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From the Introduction. In the aftermath of the EU’s enlargement towards Central and Eastern Europe, many scholars and observers of European integration were proclaiming that the French-German “engine” of Europe had come to an end. The political legitimacy of French-German initiatives was contested by coalitions of smaller member states and the ‘new Europe’ was calling for new leadership dynamics. However, the experience of the Eurozone debt crisis provided dramatic evidence that no alternative to the Franco-German partnership has yet to emerge in the enlarged EU. In a time of existential crisis, Franco-German initiatives appear to have remained the basic dynamic of integration. However, unlike in the past, agreements on steps forward have proven to be particularly difficult. This is largely due to these countries’ contrasting political economic policy ideas, cultures, and practices....the paper analyses the ideational ‘frames’ of the two leaders while tracing their discursive interactions against changing background conditions since the European debt crisis was triggered by Greece in October 2009 until the last measures taken in 2012 before the French Presidential elections. The empirical analysis is based on a systematic corpus of press conferences and media interviews by Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel after European summits. It is complemented by a number of press interviews including some given by their respective Finance Ministers) and important speeches in that same period of time.
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Introduction. In the speech given to both Houses of Parliament on 11 October 2013 during the first parliamentary session, King Mohammed VI said that the “Moroccan democratic model” was “a precursor in the region as well as on the continental level.”1 Similarly, with the purpose of stressing the “democratic exceptionalism”2 of the country, the new government, led by Abdeilah Benkirane, emphasised that Morocco represents a “third way” compared to countries such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt since it “…has not embarked on a limited process of reform from the top, driven and controlled by the King. Nor has it experienced a revolution brought a angry citizens rising up against the regime. Rather, it has chosen an alternate path based on a genuine partnership between the King and the PJD (Parti de la justice et du développement) that promises to bring about more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took place in Morocco was considered an extremely positive step taken by the country, as well as a means to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Indeed, according to the High Representative Catherine Ashton, this reform “constitute[s] a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people and [is] consistent with Morocco’s Advanced Status with the EU.”7 When it comes to the media, it is worth noting that following the ratification of the 2011 Constitution, The New York Times headlined: “All Hail the (Democratic) King.” Even sections of the academic literature have commended the constitutional reform carried out by the Moroccan Sovereign.9 In this paper I argue against the aforementioned idea, according to which Morocco should be considered a model in the region, and in particular I show that the constitution-making process, the 2011 Constitution and its subsequent implementation have more flaws than merits. Accordingly, this paper proceeds in five steps. First of all, I examine the reaction of the regime to the upheavals that broke out in the country after 20 February 2011. Secondly, I analyse the process of constitution showing its main strengths and weaknesses, and comparing it with other constituent processes that took place in the region following the Arab uprisings. In the third section, I highlight the most significant elements of continuity and discontinuity with the previous 1996 Constitution. The fourth section deals with the process of implementation: specifically process is proceeding quite slowly and that in some cases ordinary legislation is in contrast with the new Constitution and international human rights treaties. Moreover, I discuss the role that the judiciary and the Constitutional Court can play in the implementation and interpretation of the Constitution. Finally, I draw some concluding remarks.
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Cover title.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Australia ’s media policy agenda has recently been dominated by debate over two key issues: media ownership reform, and the local content provisions of the Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement. Challenging the tendency to analyse these issues separately, the article considers them as interlinked indicators of fundamental shifts occurring in the digital media environment. Converged media corporations increasingly seek to achieve economies of scale through ‘content streaming’: multi-purposing proprietary content across numerous digitally enabled platforms. This has resulted in rivalries for control of delivery technologies (as witnessed in media ownership debates) as well as over market access for corporate content (in the case of local content debates). The article contextualises Australia’s contemporary media policy flashpoints within international developments and longer-term industry strategising. It further questions the power of media policy as it is currently conceived to deal adequately with the challenges raised by a converging digital media marketplace.
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The abolition of the Audit Commission in England raises questions about how a major reform was achieved with so little controversy, why the agency lacked the institutional stickiness commonly described in the literature on organisational reform and why it did not strategise to survive. In this paper, we apply argumentative discourse analysis to rich empirical data to reveal the pattern and evolution of storylines and discourse coalitions, and the ways in which these interact with and affect the practices of Parliament, the media and the Audit Commission itself. Our analysis shows that the politics of administrative reform are as much about discursive framing and the ability of pro-reformers to gain discursive structuration and institutionalisation as they are about the material resources available to a newly elected government and its ministers. Questions of technical feasibility are unlikely to derail a reform initiative once its promoters gain discursive ascendency.
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The implementation of collaborative planning and teaching models in ten flexibly scheduled elementary and middle school library media centers was studied to determine which factors facilitated the collaborative planning process and to learn what occurs when library media specialists (LMSs) and classroom teachers (CTs) plan together. In this qualitative study, 61 principals, CTs, and LMSs were interviewed on a range of topics including the principal's role, school climate, the value of team planning, the importance of information literacy instruction, and the ideal learning environment. Other data sources were observations, videotapes of planning sessions, and documents. This three-year school reform effort was funded by the Library Power Project to improve library programs, to encourage collaborative planning, and to increase curricular integration of information literacy skills instruction. ^ The findings included a description of typical planning sessions and the identification of several major factors which impacted the success of collaborative planning: the individuals involved, school climate, time for planning, the organization of the school, the facility and collection, and training. Of these factors, the characteristics and actions of the people involved were most critical to the implementation of the innovation. The LMS was the pivotal player and, in the views of CTs, principals, and LMSs themselves, must be knowledgeable about curriculum, the library collection, and instructional design and delivery; must be open and welcoming to CTs and use good interpersonal skills; and must be committed to information literacy instruction and willing to act as a change agent. The support of the principal was vital; in schools with successful programs, the principal served as an advocate for collaborative planning and information literacy instruction, provided financial support for the library program including clerical staff, and arranged for LMSs and CTs to have time during the school day to plan together. ^ CTs involved in positive planning partnerships with LMSs were flexible, were open to change, used a variety of instructional materials, expected students to be actively involved in their own learning, and were willing to team teach with LMSs. Most CTs planning with LMSs made lesson plans in advance and preferred to plan with others. Also, most CTs in this study planned with grade level or departmental groups, which expedited the delivery of information literacy instruction and the effective use of planning time. ^ Implications of the findings of this research project were discussed for individual schools, for school districts, and for colleges and universities training LMSs, CTs, and administrators. Suggestions for additional research were also included. ^
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The purpose of this project is to ascertain the ways in which Orange is the New Black uses its platform to either complicate or reify narratives about the prison system, prisoners and their relationship to the state. This research uses the works of Giorgio Agamben, Colin Dayan, Michelle Alexander and Lisa Guenther to situate the ways the state uses the prison and social narratives about the prison to extend its control on certain populations beyond prison walls through police presence, parole, the war on drugs and prison fees. From that basis, this work argues that while Orange does challenge some narratives about race and sexuality, because of its reliance on “bad choices” as a humanizing trope and its reliance on certain racialized stereotypes for entertainment, the show ultimately does more to reify existing narratives that support state interests.
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The recent report by Dame Elish Angiolini report (2/6/15) into rape investigation in The Metropolitan Police highlights the issues in modern day rape investigation and makes a list of recommendations(See Table 1) .The report states that ”Rape is one of the most serious but misunderstood crimes and presents investigators and prosecutors with unique challenges. In its variety and complexity rape often presents difficulties far in excess of those encountered in investigating other crimes, including homicide”. This reflects the authors experience as a detective managing detective units and investigating rape in London. The Home Office Research Study in 2005 saw rape as, ‘a unique crime, representing both a physical and psychological violation’. In 2010 Baroness Stern went further, observing, ‘It is unique in the way it strikes at the bodily integrity and self-respect of the complainant, in the demands it makes on those public authorities required to respond to it and in the controversy it generates’. This article will look at these recommendations and place them in the context of 40 years of changing policy towards rape investigation, legal changes and the change in the social milieu.
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Protocols for the generation of dendritic cells (DCs) using serum as a supplementation of culture media leads to reactions due to animal proteins and disease transmissions. Several types of serum-free media (SFM), based on good manufacture practices (GMP), have recently been used and seem to be a viable option. The aim of this study was to evaluate the results of the differentiation, maturation, and function of DCs from Acute Myeloid Leukemia patients (AML), generated in SFM and medium supplemented with autologous serum (AS). DCs were analyzed by phenotype characteristics, viability, and functionality. The results showed the possibility of generating viable DCs in all the conditions tested. In patients, the X-VIVO 15 medium was more efficient than the other media tested in the generation of DCs producing IL-12p70 (p=0.05). Moreover, the presence of AS led to a significant increase of IL-10 by DCs as compared with CellGro (p=0.05) and X-Vivo15 (p=0.05) media, both in patients and donors. We concluded that SFM was efficient in the production of DCs for immunotherapy in AML patients. However, the use of AS appears to interfere with the functional capacity of the generated DCs.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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This study evaluated the effect of surface sealant on the translucency of composite resin immersed in different solutions. The study involved the following materials: Charisma, Fortify and coffee, Coca-Cola®, tea and artificial saliva as solutions. Sixty-four specimens (n = 8) were manufactured and immersed in artificial saliva at 37 ± 1 °C. Samples were immersed in the solutions for three times a day and re-immersed in artificial saliva until the translucency readings. The measurements were carried out at nine times: T1 - 24 hours after specimen preparation, T2 - 24 hours after immersion in the solutions, T3 - 48 hours and T4 to T9 - 7, 14, 21, 30, 60 and 90 days, respectively, after immersion. The translucency values were measured using a JOUAN device. The results were subjected to ANOVA and Tukey's test at 5%. The surface sealant was not able to protect the composite resin against staining, the coffee showed the strongest staining action, followed by tea and regarding immersion time, a significant alteration was noted in the translucency of composite resin after 21 days.