The rape of the lock : and An essay on man /

Mode of access: Internet.

Conciliation act of 1941. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, Seventy-seventh Congress, first session, on S. 683, a bill to expedite the national-defense program by providing a method for the settlement of labor disputes in defense industries without resort to hasty strikes and lock-outs, May 6 to 29, 1941.

Lister Hill, chairman of subcommittee.

Dynamic Lock Synchronisation for collaborative 3D applications

In a typical collaborative application, users contends for common resources by mutual exclusion. The introduction of multi-modal environment, however, introduced problems such as frequent dropping of connection or limited connectivity speed of mobile users. This paper target 3D resources which require additional considerations such as dependency of users' manipulation command. This paper introduces Dynamic Locking Synchronisation technique to enable seamless and collaborative environment for large number of user, by combining the contention-free concepts of locking mechanism and the seamless nature of lockless design.

Reinforcing bad behaviour : the misuse of security indicators on popular websites

Before making a security or privacy decision, Internet users should evaluate several security indicators in their browser, such as the use of HTTPS (indicated via the lock icon), the domain name of the site, and information from extended validation certificates. However, studies have shown that human subjects infrequently employ these indicators, relying on other indicators that can be spoofed and convey no cryptographic assurances. We identify four simple security indicators that accurately represent security properties of the connection and then examine 125 popular websites to determine if the sites' designs result in correctly displayed security indicators during login. In the vast majority of cases, at least some security indicators are absent or suboptimal. This suggests users are becoming habituated to ignoring recommended security indicators.

The Limited Benefit of Prison in Controlling Crime : On the Threshold of a Political Shift

In 2012 the New Zealand government spent $3.4 billion, or nearly $800 per person, on responses to crime via the justice system. Research shows that much of this spending does little to reduce the changes of re-offending. Relatively little money is spent on victims, the rehabilitation of offenders or to support the families of offenders. This book is based on papers presented at the Costs of Crime forum held by the Institute of Policy Studies in February 2011. It presents lessons from what is happening in Australia, Britain and the United States and focuses on how best to manage crime, respond to victims, and reduce offending in a cost-effective manner in a New Zealand context. It is clear that strategies are needed that are based on better research and a more informed approach to policy development. Such strategies must assist victims constructively while also reducing offending. Using public resources to lock as many people in our prisons as possible cannot be justified by the evidence and is fiscally unsustainable; nor does such an approach make society safer. To reduce the costs of crime we need to reinvest resources in effective strategies to build positive futures for those at risk and the communities needed to sustain them.

Lock the gate: Fracking, investor-state dispute settlement, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

There has been much debate about the relationship between international trade, the environment, biodiversity protection, and climate change.The Obama Administration has pushed such issues into sharp relief, with its advocacy for sweeping international trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. There has been much public concern about the impact of the mega-trade deals upon the protection of the environment. In particular, there has been a debate about whether the Trans-Pacific Partnership will promote dirty fracking. Will the Trans-Pacific Partnership transform the Pacific Rim into a Gasland?There has been a particular focus upon investor-state dispute settlement being used by unconventional mining companies. Investor-state dispute settlement is a mechanism which enables foreign investors to seek compensation from national governments at international arbitration tribunals. In her prescient 2009 book, The Expropriation of Environmental Governance, Kyla Tienhaara foresaw the rise of investor-state dispute resolution of environmental matters. She observed:'Over the last decade there has been an explosive increase of cases investment arbitration. This is significant in terms of not only the number of disputes that have arisen and the number of states that have been involved, but also the novel types of dispute that have emerged. Rather than solely involving straightforward incidences of nationalization or breach of contract, modern disputes often revolve around public policy measures and implicate sensitive issues such as access to drinking water, development on sacred indigenous sites and the protection of biodiversity.'In her study, Kyla Tienhaara observed that investment agreements, foreign investment contracts and investment arbitration had significant implications for the protection for the protection of the environment. She concluded that arbitrators have made it clear that they can, and will, award compensation to investors that claim to have been harmed by environmental regulation. She also found that some of the cases suggest that the mere threat of arbitration is sufficient to chill environmental policy development. Tienhaara was equally concerned by the possibility that a government may use the threat of arbitration as an excuse or cover for its failure to improve environmental regulation. In her view, it is evident that arbitrators have expropriated certain fundamental aspects of environmental governance from states. Tienhaara held: As a result, environmental regulation has become riskier, more expensive, and less democratic, especially in developing countries. This article provides a comparative analysis of the battles over fracking, investment, trade, and the environment in a number of key jurisdictions including the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Part 1 focuses upon the United States. Part 2 examines the dispute between the Lone Pine Resources Inc. and the Government of Canada over a fracking moratorium in Quebec. Part 3 charts the rise of the Lock the Gate Alliance in Australia, and its demands for a moratorium in respect of coal seam gas and unconventional mining. Part 4 focuses upon parallel developments in New Zealand. This article concludes that Pacific Rim countries should withdraw from investor-state dispute settlement procedures, because of the threat posed to environmental regulation in respect of air, land, and water.

A Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 (# ACTA)

“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.

Enhanced sensitivity in detection of Kerr rotation by double modulation and time averaging based on Allan variance

Experiments in spintronics necessarily involve the detection of spin polarization. The sensitivity of this detection becomes an important factor to consider when extending the low temperature studies on semiconductor spintronic devices to room temperature, where the spin signal is weaker. In pump-probe experiments, which optically inject and detect spins, the sensitivity is often improved by using a photoelastic modulator (PEM) for lock-in detection. However, spurious signals can arise if diode lasers are used as optical sources in such experiments, along with a PEM. In this work, we eliminated the spurious electromagnetic coupling of the PEM onto the probe diode laser, by the double modulation technique. We also developed a test for spurious modulated interference in the pump-probe signal, due to the PEM. Besides, an order of magnitude enhancement in the sensitivity of detection of spin polarization by Kerr rotation, to 3x10(-8) rad was obtained by using the concept of Allan variance to optimally average the time series data over a period of 416 s. With these improvements, we are able to experimentally demonstrate at room temperature, photoinduced steady-state spin polarization in bulk GaAs. Thus, the advances reported here facilitate the use of diode lasers with a PEM for sensitive pump-probe experiments. They also constitute a step toward detection of spin-injection in Si at room temperature.

A conformational approach to the study of the dynamics of enzyme inhibition: studies on thermolysin

The preferred conformations of β-phenylpropionyl-Image -phenylalanine (β-PPP) and N-carbobenzoxy-L-phenylalanine (Cbz-Phe), two inhibitors of thermolysin, have been determined by computing potential energy using empirial potential energy functions. Of the 15 to 20 conformations that are favoured for each of these inhibitors only a few have the right conformation to reach the active site of the enzyme. The conformer of β-PPP that initiates binding with the enzyme is different from the bound one, while for Cbz-Phe the bound and initiating conformers are quite similar. Thus, β-PPP favours the ‘induced fit’ model while Cbz-Phe follows the ‘lock and key’ model of binding. The inhibitors differ in their alignment at the active site.

Experimental studies on a two stage pulse tube cryocooler reaching 2.5K

A two stage Pulse Tube Cryocooler (PTC) is designed and fabricated which reaches a no-load temperature of 2.5K in the second stage and similar to 60 K in the first stage respectively. The system provides a cooling power of similar to 250 mW at 5K in the second stage. Stainless steel meshes (size 200) and lead (Pb) granules are used as the first stage regenerator materials and combination of Pb with Er3Ni / HoCu2 are used as the second stage regenerator materials. The system operates at 1.6 Hz using a 6 kW water cooled helium compressor. Studies conducted by varying the dimensions of Pulse Tubes and regenerators show that the dimensions of the Pulse Tubes are more critical to the performance of the Cryocooler than those of the regenerators. Experimental studies show that the optimum volume ratios of Er3Ni to Pb and HoCu2 to Pb in the second stage regenerator should be 3:2 and 2:3 respectively for the best performance. Further, systems with HoCu2 performed better than those with Er3Ni. The theoretical analysis of the system has been carried out using a simple isothermal model. The experimentally measured cooling powers are in good agreement with the theoretical predictions.

2(n)-SEMA-a robust solid state nuclear magnetic resonance experiment for measuring heteronuclear dipolar couplings in static oriented systems using effective transverse spin-lock

Separated local field (SLF) spectroscopy is a powerful technique to measure heteronuclear dipolar couplings. The method provides site-specific dipolar couplings for oriented samples such as membrane proteins oriented in lipid bilayers and liquid crystals. A majority of the SLF techniques utilize the well-known Polarization Inversion Spin Exchange at Magic Angle (PISEMA) pulse scheme which employs spin exchange at the magic angle under Hartmann-Hahn match. Though PISEMA provides a relatively large scaling factor for the heteronuclear dipolar coupling and a better resolution along the dipolar dimension, it has a few shortcomings. One of the major problems with PISEMA is that the sequence is very much sensitive to proton carrier offset and the measured dipolar coupling changes dramatically with the change in the carrier frequency. The study presented here focuses on modified PISEMA sequences which are relatively insensitive to proton offsets over a large range. In the proposed sequences, the proton magnetization is cycled through two quadrants while the effective field is cycled through either two or four quadrants. The modified sequences have been named as 2(n)-SEMA where n represents the number of quadrants the effective field is cycled through. Experiments carried out on a liquid crystal and a single crystal of a model peptide demonstrate the usefulness of the modified sequences. A systematic study under various offsets and Hartmann-Hahn mismatch conditions has been carried out and the performance is compared with PISEMA under similar conditions.

Experimental Study on Vortex-Induced Vibrations of Submarine Pipeline Near Seabed Boundary in Ocean Currents

Unlike most previous studies on vortex- induced vibrations of a cylinder far from a boundary, this paper focuses On the influences of close proximity of a submarine pipeline to a rigid seabed boundary upon the dynamic responses of the pipeline in ocean currents. The effects of gap-to-diameter ratio and those of the stability parameter on the amplitude and frequency responses of a pipeline are investigated experimentally with a novel hydro-elastic facility. A comparison is made between the present experimental results Of the amplitude and frequency responses for the pipes with seabed boundary effects and those for wall-free cylinders given by Govardhan and Williamson (2000) and Anand ( 1985). The comparison shows that the close proximity of a pipeline to seabed has much influence on the vortex- induced vibrations of the pipeline. Both the width of the lock-in ranges in terms of V, and the dimensionless amplitude ratio A(max)/D become larger with the decrease of the gap-to-diameter ratio e/D. Moreover, the vibration of the pipeline becomes easier to occur and its amplitude response becomes more intensive with the decrease of the stability parameter, while the pipeline frequency responses are affected slightly by the stability parameter.

An Approximate Method For Calculation Of Fluid Force And Response Of A Circular Cylinder At Lock-In

In this paper, equations calculating lift force of a rigid circular cyclinder at lock-in uniform flow are deduced in detail. Besides, equations calculating the lift force on a long flexible circular cyclinder at lock-in are deduced based on mode analysis of a multi-degree freedom system. The simplified forms of these equations are also given. Furthermore, an approximate method to predict the forces and response of rigid circular cyclinders and long flexible circular cyclinders at lock-in is introduced in the case of low mass-damping ratio. A method to eliminate one deficiency of these equations is introduced. Comparison with experimental results show the effectiveness of this approximate method.