Samorządy gminne województwa lubuskiego w kształtowaniu współpracy transgranicznej

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Guerre défensive provoquée ou duel pour la prépondérance ? : nouveau regard sur les origines de la guerre franco-prussienne de 1870-71

La guerre franco-prussienne (ou franco-allemande) de 1870-71 fut un conflit majeur dont l’issue changea considérablement l’équilibre des puissances en Europe avec notamment l’émergence de l’Empire allemand. Pourtant, elle a été oubliée. Bien que depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, elle fut largement traitée par l’historiographie, la question des responsabilités relativement à son déclenchement demeure un sujet de débat. Tandis que certains historiens estiment que cette guerre fut sciemment provoquée par Bismarck afin de parachever l’unification allemande, d’autres croient que la responsabilité est partagée et que ce conflit était tout simplement inévitable dans le contexte du refroidissement des rapports franco-allemands depuis la défaite autrichienne de Königgrätz (Sadowa). Le présent mémoire entend se dissocier de ces interprétations en jetant un nouveau regard sur le rôle joué par Bismarck lors des « préliminaires » (Vorgeschichte) de 1870. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires ainsi que sur ce que les historiographies allemande, française et anglo-saxonne nous apprennent, il sera démontré premièrement que la candidature Hohenzollern pour le trône d’Espagne n’a pas été « fabriquée » volontairement par le chef de la diplomatie prussienne afin de compléter l’unification allemande, mais qu’elle fut promue d’abord et avant tout pour des considérations de prestige politique. Deuxièmement, la fameuse dépêche d’Ems modifiée par Bismarck ne peut être considérée comme l’élément déclencheur de ce conflit, car la décision d’aller en guerre fut prise à Paris avant que les effets de la dépêche ne se fassent sentir. Enfin, par son besoin d’un succès politico-diplomatique qui aurait consolidé le Second Empire en faisant oublier les reculades antérieures, par son refus de se satisfaire du retrait de la candidature Hohenzollern et par les erreurs de sa politique étrangère en général, la France a adopté une position belliqueuse et s’est retrouvée seule dans une guerre qu’elle n’avait su ni prévenir, ni préparer. L’enjeu à Paris n’était finalement pas le règlement pacifique des différends avec la Prusse, mais la pérennisation de la prépondérance française sur le continent européen.

Does culture really matter in sports participation? The impact of socio-cultural factors on sports behaviour in Switzerland

The physical activity of the Swiss population differs considerably depending on the linguistic region. German speakers are more often physically active than people living in the French or Italian-speaking part of Switzerland (Stamm & Lamprecht, 2011). This study analyses how socio-cultural factors correlate with sports participation for adolescents and young adults. In order to analyse this research question, Bourdieu’s concept of habitus (1984) has been adapted and used as a theoretical background. This sport-related concept of habitus considers culturally determined values, the attribution of meaning and patterns of action such as the understanding of sports, the importance of sports, body, health or leisure. On this basis, the sport-related habitus and the practical relevance of sports participation has been empirically reconstructed for adolescents and young adults aged 15 to 25 through a qualitative study including guideline-based interviews with German (n=6) and French (n=4) speaking adolescents and young adults, as well as a quantitative survey in a German (n=106) and a French (n=99) speaking commune of Switzerland. Initial findings reveal that young German speakers associate sports with self-discipline (χ²(1, N=205)= 8.223, p<.005, V=.200) and fitness (χ²(1, N=205)= 21.989, p<.005, V=.328) whereas young French speakers are more likely to relate health (χ²(1, N=205)= 9.455, p<.005, V=.215), effort and perspiration (χ²(1, N=205)= 18.835, p<.005, V=.303) to sports. Similarly, the understanding of body and health as well as the attitude towards leisure differs between the German and French speaking parts of Switzerland. This study illustrates that the concept of sports habitus is culturally shaped and therefore may be fruitful in further analyses. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Stamm, H. & Lamprecht, M. (2008). Swiss sports participation in an international perspective. European Journal for Sport and Society, 8 (1+2), 15-29.

The impact of structural conditions in communes on physical activity and sports behaviour of adolescents and young adults in Switzerland

Introduction The physical activity of the Swiss population differs considerably depending on the linguistic region. German speakers are more often physically active than people living in the French- or Italian-speaking part of Switzerland (Stamm & Lamprecht, 2008). This study analyses how differing structural conditions in communes (e.g. sport facilities, significance of the municipal promotion of sport) across different linguistic regions of Switzerland correlate with physical activity and sports participation for adolescents and young adults. Methodological approach Based on the theory of social action (Coleman, 1990), it is assumed that individual behaviour is not only determined by individual but also by structural and socio-cultural factors in which a person is socially embedded. In two case studies, multilevel data was gathered analysing possible influences of structural factors on sports behaviour. Using an online survey, 15 to 25 year old inhabitants (N = 205) living in a German- and French-speaking commune were questioned about their sports participation in and outside of their commune, as well as their perception of sport-related structural characteristics in their commune. To collect information about communes’ sport facilities, the sport providers (N = 23) were interviewed. Sport-related characteristics of the communes were also collected through two interviews with representatives of the municipal administration. Results and discussion Physical activity is significantly higher (Chi2 (1, N = 183) = 4.78, p < .05) and sport participation is significantly lower in the French speaking commune (Chi2 (1, N = 205) = 3.84, p < .05). Adolescents and young adults in the French speaking commune (M = 3.15, SD = 1.23) are less satisfied with the opportunities to be physically active in the environment than their counterparts living in the German speaking commune (p < .001, Mann-Whitney U – test). These first findings show the impact of structural conditions in communes on physical activity and sport participation of adolescents and young people. However, it must be noted that this study is explorative and further communes would need to be examined in order to generalize the results. References Coleman J S (1990). Foundations of social theory. Belknap, Cambridge, MA. Stamm H, Lamprecht M (2008). EJSS, 8(1+2), 15-29.

Geschichte unter der Schere politischer Zensur. Amtliche Aktensammlungen im internationalen Vergleich

Zala focuses his account on the edition of the "Documents on German Foreign Policy" - documents that the US army, at the end of the Second World War, uncovered hidden in Thuringia. They were confidential documents from the archives of the German Foreign Office that had been evacuated. After the war, the United States commenced to publish these documents. Especially the documents on German relations with the Soviet Union and the discovery of the top secret additional protocol to the Soviet-German non-aggression pact of 1939 - dividing Poland up between both states - made them an excellent tool in the Cold War. Zala shows how these documents were used politically, but also what kind of controversies went on because of them in diplomatic channels.

Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

Deutsche Dialektgeographie

Mode of access: Internet.

Das deutsche sprachgebiet von Mähren und Schlesien im jahre 1890.

"Schriften des Vereins für die geschichte Mährens und Schlesiens, gleichzeitig einer section der K.K. Märischen gesellschaft zur beförderung der landwirtschaft, der natur- und landeskunde. XXXI. bd.

Public opinion and the making of foreign policy in the 'New Europe':a comparative study of Poland and Ukraine

Since 1989, by drawing a new boundary between the EU and its eastern neighbours, the European Union has created a frontier that has been popularly described in the frontier states as the new 'Berlin Wall'. This book is the first comparative study of the impact of public opinion on the making of foreign policy in two eastern European states that live on either side of the new European divide: Poland and Ukraine. Focusing on the vocal, informed segment of public opinion and drawing on results of both opinion polls and a series of innovative focus groups gathered since the Orange Revolution, Nathaniel Copsey unravels the mystery of how this crucial segment of the public impacts on foreign policy-makers in both states. In developing this argument, Copsey takes a closer look at the business community and how important economic factors are in forming public opinion. Filling a gap in the literature currently available on the topic, this book presents a fresh approach to our understanding of Polish-Ukrainian relations and how the public's view of the past influences contemporary politics. It is an ideal resource for those researching in the field of Russian and Eastern European Studies.

Friends or followers? The relations between German soccer clubs and their fans on Twitter

This paper shows how soccer clubs from Germany’s first division have started to use Twitter. Analysis is based on tweets from and to club accounts as well as on follower numbers, and specific clubs are selected for case studies. This approach reveals that Twitter mirrors the conflicts between professional sports and traditional fandom.

Exploitation of linguistic ambiguity in Polish and English jokes

English & Polish jokes based on linguistic ambiguity are constrasted. Linguistic ambiguity results from a multiplicity of semantic interpretations motivated by structural pattern. The meanings can be "translated" either by variations of the corresponding minimal strings or by specifying the type & extent of modification needed between the two interpretations. C. F. Hockett's (1972) translatability notion that a joke is linguistic if it cannot readily be translated into other languages without losing its humor is used to interpret some cross-linguistic jokes. It is claimed that additional intralinguistic criteria are needed to classify jokes. By using a syntactic representation, the humor can be explained & compared cross-linguistically. Since the mapping of semantic values onto lexical units is highly language specific, translatability is much less frequent with lexical ambiguity. Similarly, phonological jokes are not usually translatable. Pragmatic ambiguity can be translated on the basis of H. P. Grice's (1975) cooperative principle of conversation that calls for discourse interpretations. If the distinction between linguistic & nonlinguistic jokes is based on translatability, pragmatic jokes must be excluded from the classification. Because of their universality, pragmatic jokes should be included into the linguistic classification by going beyond the translatability criteria & using intralinguistic features to describe them.