995 resultados para hunter-gatherer technology
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During the 1950s and 1960s, excavations by the Sarawak Museum at Niah Cave in northwest Borneo produced an enormous archive of records and artefacts, including in excess of 750,000 macro- and micro-vertebrate remains. The excellent state of preservation of the animal bone, dating from the Late Pleistocene (c. 40 kya) to as recently as c. 500 years ago had the potential to provide unparalleled zooarchaeological information about early hunter-gatherer resource procurement, temporal changes in subsistence patterning, and the impact of peoples on the local and regional environment in Island Southeast Asia. However, the coarse-grained methods of excavation employed during the original investigations and the sheer scale of the archaeological record and bone assemblages dissuaded many researchers from attempting to tackle the Niah archives. This paper outlines how important information on the nature of the archaeological record at Niah has now finally been extracted from the archive using a combination of zooarchaeological analysis and reference to the extensive archaeological records from the site. Copyright (C) 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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The Haida were a First Nations group located on the Northwest Coast of Canada. They were exceptional wood carvers that produced various types of works, the most monumental of which were their totem poles. This dissertation analyses 26 of these open architectural structures, each of which belonged to one of the following five types: frontal, mortuary, memorial, house post, or corner post. Of the representations found on poles, 28 different figures were identified. However, individual poles were found to contain between one and fourteen different figures with frontal poles generally featuring the most. The predominant figures on the inventoried poles proved to be birds, humans, and bears. An iconographic structure of a tripartite character was detected that reflects the religious ideology of the Haida population with birds being featured at the top of the poles, humans in the middle, and bears at the lowest point. It also suggests the possible transition from a hunter-gatherer economy to a food producing economy.***********************************************************************************Os Haida foram um grupo das Primeiras Nações que habitaram a costa Noroeste do Canadá. Eram excepcionais escultores de madeira, tendo produzido variados tipos de artefactos, dos quais os totem poles eram os mais monumentais. Na presente dissertação são analisadas 26 dessas estruturas arquitectónicas de exterior, sendo que cada uma delas pertenceria a um dos seguintes cinco tipos: frontal, funerário, memorial, travemestra, ou postes de esquina. Das representações encontradas nos postes, foram individualizadas 28 figuras. No entanto, em postes isolados foi possível identificar entre uma e catorze figuras distintas, sendo os postes frontais os que apresentavam, geralmente, o maior número. A análise destes postes permitiu detectar uma estrutura iconográfica tripartida que reflectia a ideologia religiosa das populações Haida, representando-se as aves no topo, os humanos a meio, e os ursos na base dos postes. Por outro lado, foi possível sugerir, para estas populações, a transição de uma economia baseada na caça-recolecção para uma economia de produção alimentar.
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Selon certains modèles évolutionnistes, les femmes seraient davantage affectées par l’infidélité émotionnelle de leur partenaire masculin que par son infidélité sexuelle. Les mécanismes psychologiques responsables auraient évolué pendant notre passé de chasseur-cueilleur de façon à assurer à la femme un accès exclusif aux ressources économiques provenant du partenaire. Or la situation économique des femmes d’aujourd’hui a considérablement changé depuis cette époque, plusieurs d’entre-elles étant indépendantes financièrement. Dans la présente recherche, nous testons l’hypothèse que les femmes qui sont indépendantes financièrement sont moins intensément, ou moins rapidement, jalouses que les femmes qui dépendent financièrement de leur partenaire. Nous cherchons aussi à savoir si le nombre d’enfants, ou certains traits de personnalité ont une influence sur la jalousie. L’échantillon était constitué d’une soixantaine de femmes et les données proviennent de questionnaires et de mises en situation fictives. Nos résultats ne supportent pas l’hypothèse principale, les divers sous-groupes de femmes étant jalouses à la même intensité. Nous considérons divers facteurs pouvant expliquer l’absence de différences, par exemple, la possibilité que certains aspects de la relation de couple puissent cacher l’effet de la situation économique des femmes. D’autres résultats montrent une différence significative dans l’intensité de la jalousie selon l’identité de la personne en relation avec le partenaire (ancienne versus nouvelle amie). Ces résultats sont aussi évalués dans une perspective évolutionniste.
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Chez l'être humain, le pouvoir d'influence peut être accordé volontairement aux individus qui se démarquent par leurs habiletés exceptionnelles. Dans cette étude, deux théories issues de la perspective évolutionniste sur ce type de pouvoir sont confrontées : celle de la transmission sociale de l'information (Henrich et Gil-White 2001) et celle de l'échange social (Chapais 2012). Cinq hypothèses principales sont extraites et mises à l'épreuve : 1) la compétence supérieure de certains individus leur permet d'acquérir un statut supérieur; 2) la compétence d'un individu est évaluée par comparaison sociale et par l'intermédiaire de mécanismes psychosociaux; 3) les experts sont utiles à autrui puisqu'ils sont de meilleurs modèles à imiter et de meilleurs partenaires de coopération; 4) ces experts reçoivent de la déférence de leurs admirateurs en échange d'un partenariat avec eux ; 5) conséquemment, une compétition pour l'acquisition d'un statut supérieur émerge via la démonstration publique de la compétence et la recherche d'une réputation favorable. Ces prévisions sont testées par une analyse comparative de la littérature ethnographique portant sur dix sociétés de chasseurs-cueilleurs relativement égalitaires en utilisant la base de données du eHRAF of World Cultures. Les résultats appuient très fortement toutes les prévisions et indiquent que des asymétries de statut sont omniprésentes chez tous les peuples de l'échantillon, ce qui refléterait l'universalité des propensions psychosociales qui sous-tendent ces inégalités.
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The coastal plains of the States of Parana and Santa Catarina, in Southern Brazil, were first settled around 6000 B.P. by shellmound builders, a successful fisher-hunter-gatherer population that inhabited the coastal lowlands practically unchanged for almost five thousand years. Shellmounds were typically occupied as residential sites as well as cemeteries, and are usually associated with rich alimentary zones. Around 1200 B.P., the first evidence of ceramics brought from the interior is found in coastal areas, and together with ceramics there is a progressive abandonment of shellmound construction in favor of flat cold shallow sites. Here we consider if these changes were reflected in the postmarital residence practice of coastal groups, i.e., if the arrival or intensification of contact with groups from the interior resulted in changes in this aspect of social structure among the coastal groups. To test the postmarital residence practice we analyzed within-group variability ratios between males and females, following previous studies on the topic. and between-group, correlations between Mahalanobis distances and geographic distances. The results suggest that in the pre-ceramic series a matrilocal, postmarital residential system predominated, while in the ceramic period there was a shift toward patrilocality. This favors the hypothesis that the changes experienced by coastal groups after 1200 B.P. affected not only their economy and material culture, but important aspects of their sociopolitical organization as well.
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Applying ecological studies to the adaptations of prehistoric human hunter-gatherer groups has greatly increased our abilities to interpret effects of an ever-changing environment and our access to critical resources on these populations. The Pleistocene/Holocene transition, its climate and human genesis in the new world, draws intensive interest from a number of scientific communities. In Twilight of the Mammoths, Paul Martin adds his views, which are of no surprise, on the megafaunal extirpations during a cultural period referred to in North America as Clovis.
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All currently available human skeletal remains from the Wadi Howar (Eastern Sahara, Sudan) were employed in an anthropological study. The study’s first aim was to describe this unique 5th to 2nd millennium BCE material, which comprised representatives of all three prehistoric occupation phases of the region. Detecting diachronic differences in robusticity, occupational stress levels and health within the spatially, temporally and culturally heterogeneous sample was its second objective. The study’s third goal was to reveal metric and non-metric affinities between the different parts of the series and between the Wadi Howar material and other relevant prehistoric as well as modern African populations. rnThe reconstruction and comprehensive osteological analysis of 23 as yet unpublished individuals, the bulk of the Wadi Howar series, constituted the first stage of the study. The analyses focused on each individual’s in situ position, state of preservation, sex, age at death, living height, living weight, physique, biological ancestry, epigenetic traits, robusticity, occupational stress markers, health and metric as well as morphological characteristics. Building on the results of these efforts and the re-examination of the rest of the material, the Wadi Howar series as a whole, altogether 32 individuals, could be described. rnA wide variety of robusticity, occupational stress and health variables was evaluated. The pre-Leiterband (hunter-gatherer-fisher/hunter-gatherer-fisher-herder) and the Leiterband (herder-gatherer) data of over a third of these variables differed statistically significantly or in tendency from each other. The Leiterband sub-sample was characterised by higher enamel hypoplasia frequencies, lower mean ages at death and less pronounced expressions of occupational stress traits. This pattern was interpreted as evidence that the adoption and intensification of animal husbandry did probably not constitute reactions to worsening conditions. Apart from that, the relevant observations, noteworthy tendencies and significant differences were explained as results of a broader spectrum of pre-Leiterband subsistence activities and the negative side effects of the increasingly specialised herder-gatherer economy of the Leiterband phase. rnUsing only the data which could actually be collected from it, multiple, separate, individualised discriminant function analyses were carried out for each Wadi Howar skeleton to determine which prehistoric and which modern comparative sample it was most similar to. The results of all individual analyses were then summarised and examined as a whole. Thus it became possible to draw conclusions about the affinities the Wadi Howar material shared with prehistoric as well as modern populations and to answer questions concerning the diachronic links between the Wadi Howar’s prehistoric populations. When the Wadi Howar remains were positioned in the context of the selected prehistoric (Jebel Sahaba/Tushka, A-Group, Malian Sahara) and modern comparative samples (Southern Sudan, Chad, Mandinka, Somalis, Haya) in this fashion three main findings emerged. Firstly, the series as a whole displayed very strong affinities with the prehistoric sample from the Malian Sahara (Hassi el Abiod, Kobadi, Erg Ine Sakane, etc.) and the modern material from Southern Sudan and, to a lesser extent, Chad. Secondly, the pre-Leiterband and the Leiterband sub-sample were closer to the prehistoric Malian as well as the modern Southern Sudanese material than they were to each other. Thirdly, the group of pre-Leiterband individuals approached the Late Pleistocene sample from Jebel Sahaba/Tushka under certain circumstances. A theory offering explanations for these findings was developed. According to this theory, the entire prehistoric population of the Wadi Howar belonged to a Saharo-Nilotic population complex. The Jebel Sahaba/Tushka population constituted an old Nilotic and the early population of the Malian Sahara a younger Saharan part of this complex. The pre-Leiterband groups probably colonised the Wadi Howar from the east, either during or soon after the original Saharo-Nilotic expansion. Unlike the pre-Leiterband groups, the Leiterband people originated somewhere west of the Wadi Howar. They entered the region in the context of a later, secondary Saharo-Nilotic expansion. In the process, the incoming Leiterband groups absorbed many members of the Wadi Howar’s older pre-Leiterband population. The increasing aridification of the Wadi Howar region ultimately forced its prehistoric inhabitants to abandon the wadi. Most of them migrated south and west. They, or groups closely related to them, probably were the ancestors of the majority of the Nilo-Saharan-speaking pastoralists of modern-day Southern Sudan and Eastern Chad.
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Mit der vorliegenden Arbeit wurden erstmals prähistorische Bevölkerungsstrukturen in der osteuropäischen Steppe von der Oberthrakischen Tiefebene bis zur Wolga populationsgenetisch untersucht. Mit Multiplex-PCR und 454-Sequencing wurden von 65 kupfer- und bronzezeitlichen Individuen die Hypervariable Region I und 30 Abschnitte der coding region der mitochondrialen DNA analysiert. Außerdem wurden bis zu 20 putativ selektierte autosomale SNPs und ein geschlechtsspezifischer Locus genotypsiert. Zu Vergleichszwecken wurden veröffentlichte prähistorische DNA-Daten aus Westeurasien und moderne DNA-Sequenzen herangezogen. Die Ergebnisse stützen die Annahme, dass frühneolithische Bauern aus Südosteuropa durch demische Diffusion an der Etablierung der Viehwirtschaft in der Steppe beteiligt waren. Die durchweg niedrigen FST-Werte zwischen der frühbronzezeitlichen Jamnaja-Kultur in der Steppe und den aufeinanderfolgenden neolithischen Kulturen Mitteleuropas sprechen für regelmäßige Kontakte. Die der Jamnaja-Kultur nachfolgende Katakombengrabkultur ist von einem hohen Anteil der in nord- und osteuropäischen Jäger/Sammler-Populationen verbreiteten Haplogruppe U4 geprägt. Niedrige FST-Werte zwischen den prähistorischen Steppenpopulationen und der heutigen Bevölkerung Mittel- und Osteuropas weisen auf genetische Kontinuität hin. Die nukleären Genotypenfrequenzen bestätigt dies. Der moderne europäische Genpool lässt sich nach aktuellem Kenntnisstand auf drei Wurzeln zurückführen: indigene Mesolithiker, frühe Bauern aus dem Nahen Osten und eine nordeurasische Komponente jungpalaeolithischen Ursprungs. Letztere könnte vielleicht über die nordpontische Population in das Erbgut spätneolithischer Europäer gelangt sein.
A river runs through it - ancient DNA data on the neolithic populations of the Great Hungarian Plain
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This thesis was part of a multidisciplinary research project funded by the German Research Foundation (“Bevölkerungsgeschichte des Karpatenbeckens in der Jungsteinzeit und ihr Einfluss auf die Besiedlung Mitteleuropas”, grant no. Al 287/10-1) aimed at elucidating the population history of the Carpathian Basin during the Neolithic. The Carpathian Basin was an important waypoint on the spread of the Neolithic from southeastern to central Europe. On the Great Hungarian Plain (Alföld), the first farming communities appeared around 6000 cal BC. They belonged to the Körös culture, which derived from the Starčevo-Körös-Criş complex in the northern Balkans. Around 5600 cal BC the Alföld-Linearbandkeramik (ALBK), so called due to its stylistic similarities with the Transdanubian and central European LBK, emerged in the northwestern Alföld. Following a short “classical phase”, the ALBK split into several regional subgroups during its later stages, but did not expand beyond the Great Hungarian Plain. Marking the beginning of the late Neolithic period, the Tisza culture first appeared in the southern Alföld around 5000 cal BC and subsequently spread into the central and northern Alföld. Together with the Herpály and Csőszhalom groups it was an integral part of the late Neolithic cultural landscape of the Alföld. Up until now, the Neolithic cultural succession on the Alföld has been almost exclusively studied from an archaeological point of view, while very little is known about the population genetic processes during this time period. The aim of this thesis was to perform ancient DNA (aDNA) analyses on human samples from the Alföld Neolithic and analyse the resulting mitochondrial population data to address the following questions: is there population continuity between the Central European Mesolithic hunter-gatherer metapopulation and the first farming communities on the Alföld? Is there genetic continuity from the early to the late Neolithic? Are there genetic as well as cultural differences between the regional groups of the ALBK? Additionally, the relationships between the Alföld and the neighbouring Transdanubian Neolithic as well as other European early farming communities were evaluated to gain insights into the genetic affinities of the Alföld Neolithic in a larger geographic context. 320 individuals were analysed for this study; reproducible mitochondrial haplogroup information (HVS-I and/or SNP data) could be obtained from 242 Neolithic individuals. According to the analyses, population continuity between hunter-gatherers and the Neolithic cultures of the Alföld can be excluded at any stage of the Neolithic. In contrast, there is strong evidence for population continuity from the early to the late Neolithic. All cultural groups on the Alföld were heavily shaped by the genetic substrate introduced into the Carpathian Basin during the early Neolithic by the Körös and Starčevo cultures. Accordingly, genetic differentiation between regional groups of the ALBK is not very pronounced. The Alföld cultures are furthermore genetically highly similar to the Transdanubian Neolithic cultures, probably due to common ancestry. In the wider European context, the Alföld Neolithic cultures also highly similar to the central European LBK, while they differ markedly from contemporaneous populations of the Iberian Peninsula and the Ukraine. Thus, the Körös culture, the ALBK and the Tisza culture can be regarded as part of a “genetic continuum” that links the Neolithic Carpathian Basin to central Europe and likely has its roots in the Starčevo -Körös-Criş complex of the northern Balkans.
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Las investigaciones arqueológicas de Mendoza prestaron poca atención al piedemonte oriental de la precordillera en comparación con las realizadas en valles y sectores de precordillera. Sin embargo, el estudio de este sector resulta clave para entender los patrones de asentamiento-subsistencia de las sociedades cazadoras-recolectoras de la región. Por otro lado, si bien se han postulado modelos para explicar las modalidades de articulación entre tierras altas y bajas durante la prehistoria, no se han definido las variaciones en sentido diacrónico. En este trabajo se apunta a describir las características del registro arqueológico del ambiente del piedemonte oriental de la precordillera de Mendoza, y en particular, de un sitio localizado en la Quebrada de Papagayos, para, análisis de la tecnología lítica mediante, proponer hipótesis referidas a los modos de organización tecnológica y del asentamiento hace aproximadamente 3.000 años AP.
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Acknowledgments This work was funded by an Arts and Humanities Research Council (AH/K006029/1) grant awarded to Rick Knecht, Kate Britton and Charlotta Hillerdal (Aberdeen); an AHRC-LabEx award (AH/N504543/1) to KB, RK, Keith Dobney (Liverpool) and Isabelle Sidéra (Nanterre); the Carnegie Trust to the Universities of Scotland (travel grant to KB); and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. The onsite collection of samples was carried out by staff and students from the University of Aberdeen, volunteer excavators and the residents of Quinhagak. We had logistical and planning support for fieldwork by the Qanirtuuq Incorporated, Quinhagak, Alaska, and the people of Quinhagak, who we also thank for sampling permissions. Special thanks to Warren Jones and Qanirtuuq Incorporated (especially Michael Smith and Lynn Church), and to all Nunalleq project team members, in Aberdeen and at other institutions, particularly Charlotta Hillerdal and Edouard Masson-Maclean (Aberdeen) for comments on earlier versions of this manuscript, and also to Véronique Forbes, Ana Jorge, Carly Ameen and Ciara Mannion (Aberdeen) for their inputs. Thanks also to Michelle Alexander (York). Finally, thank you to Ian Scharlotta (Alberta) for inviting us to contribute to this special issue, to the Editor, and to three anonymous reviewers, whose suggestions and recommended changes to an earlier version of this manuscript greatly improved the paper.