Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990

This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.

Quand les gendarmes font la loi : la pénalisation du droit des réfugiés au Canada

La recherche analyse le traitement réservé aux demandeurs d'asile au Canada.Plus spécialement, elle se penche sur l'interprétation et l’application de l’article 7 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. La réflexion observe que la mise en œuvre des droits fondamentaux des revendicateurs du statut de réfugié est affectée, selon les époques, par des considérations à dominance « humanitaires » [arrêt Singh, 1985] ou, comme cela est le cas depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par des impératifs allégués de sécurité nationale [arrêt Suresh, 2002]. D’un point de vue analytique, la thèse considère que lorsqu'il s'agit de protéger des populations vulnérables – ce que le Canada s'est juridiquement engagé à faire – le droit public ne peut pas se limiter à la communauté de ses propres membres, citoyens et résidents. D'ailleurs, la Charte reconnaît la protection de ses droits fondamentaux à « toute personne » du fait de sa seule qualité de personne, qu'elle soit ou non citoyenne et la garde des abus. Des exceptions aux droits reconnus à l’article 7 doivent être considérées à la mesure du principe démocratique qui guide nos sociétés. Sur ce fondement, l’analyse interroge l’argumentation et les motivations de certaines décisions judiciaires et législatives qui ont déconsidérées les implications de notions porteuses de valeurs impératives, telles que l'équité, la dignité humaine, la liberté et la sécurité de l'individu, en privilégiant les intérêts étatiques conforment à la conception classique de la souveraineté.

Dignity and the Eighth Amendment: A New Approach to Challenging Solitary Confinement

The use of solitary confinement in U.S. prisons and jails has come under increasing scrutiny. Over the past few months, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy all but invited constitutional challenges to the use of solitary confinement, while President Obama asked, “Do we really think it makes sense to lock so many people alone in tiny cells for 23 hours a day for months, sometime for years at a time?” Even some of the most notorious prisons and jails, including California’s Pelican Bay State Prison and New York’s Rikers Island, are reforming their use of solitary confinement because of successful litigation and public outcry. Rovner suggests that in light of these developments and “the Supreme Court’s increasing reliance on human dignity as a substantive value underlying and animating constitutional rights,” there is a strong case to make that long-term solitary confinement violates the constitutional right to freedom from cruel and unusual punishment.

The history of man, or, The wonders of human nature : in relation to the virtues, vices, and defects of both sexes : with examples, ancient and modern, alphabetically digested under their proper heads : the whole work being intermixed with variety of useful and divertive relations.

Abridged and rearranged from N. Wanley's Wonders of the little world--BM.

The International regulation of persons displaced by climate change

It is certain that there will be changes in environmental conditions across the globe as a result of climate change. Such changes will require the building of biological, human and infrastructure resilience. In some instances the building of such resilience will be insufficient to deal with extreme changes in environmental conditions and legal frameworks will be required to provide recognition and support for people dislocated because of environmental change. Such dislocation may occur internally within the country of original origin or externally into another State’s territory. International and national legal frameworks do not currently recognise or assist people displaced as a result of environmental factors including displacement occurring as a result of climate change. Legal frameworks developed to deal with this issue will need to consider the legal rights of those people displaced and the legal responsibilities of those countries required to respond to such displacement. The objective of this article is to identify the most suitable international institution to host a program addressing climate displacement. There are a number of areas of international law that are relevant to climate displacement, including refugee law, human rights law and international environmental law. These regimes, however, were not designed to protect people relocating as a result of environmental change. As such, while they indirectly may be of relevance to climate displacement, they currently do nothing to directly address this complex issue. In order to determine the most appropriate institution to address and regulate climate displacement, it is imperative to consider issues of governance. This paper seeks to examine this issue and determine whether it is preferable to place climate displacement programs into existing international legal frameworks or whether it is necessary to regulate this area in an entirely new institution specifically designed to deal with the complex and cross-cutting issues surrounding the topic. Commentators in this area have proposed three different regulatory models for addressing climate displacement. These models include: (a) Expand the definition of refugee under the Refugee Convention to encompass persons displaced by climate change; (b) Implement a new stand alone Climate Displacement Convention; and (c) Implement a Climate Displacement Protocol to the UNFCCC. This article will examine each of these proposed models against a number of criteria to determine the model that is most likely to address the needs and requirements of people displaced by climate change. It will also identify the model that is likely to be most politically acceptable and realistic for those countries likely to attract responsibilities by its implementation. In order to assess whether the rights and needs of the people to be displaced are to be met, theories of procedural, distributive and remedial justice will be used to consider the equity of the proposed schemes. In order to consider the most politically palatable and realistic scheme, reference will be made to previous state practice and compliance with existing obligations in the area. It is suggested that the criteria identified by this article should underpin any future climate displacement instrument.

Direito internacional privado, a proteção do ser humano e a falácia do ineditismo constitucionalista e tratadista

Consensos doutrinários acerca da novidade da proteção do ser humano por declarações de direito internas e internacionais e por constituições especificamente pela constituição Brasileira de 1988 - conformaram o ponto de partida desta pesquisa. Estabeleceu-se, inicialmente, um problema teórico que buscava sistematizar no direito internacional privado o impacto da suposta revolução teórica vivenciada pelo direito nos últimos séculos entendendo-se que a doutrina conflitual brasileira não havia desenvolvido parâmetros claros aos contornos da proteção do homem em sua esfera. Cumpridos os requisitos metodológicos relacionados à apresentação de hipótese a problema específico, o aprofundamento das pesquisas mostrou-se surpreendente: a hipótese mostrava-se inconsistente. Adotou-se, assim, o prisma de sua negação. Percebeu-se que, de fato, o ser humano se encontra hoje no centro do direito, mas que no direito internacional privado a novidade anunciada não se mostrava recente e que o deslumbramento com a dignidade humana falseava na técnica conflitual sua razão de ser originária. O trabalho foi realizado levando-se em conta o método dedutivo-indutivo de pesquisa a partir da utilização das doutrinas do direito internacional privado, do discurso da proteção do homem e das teorias constitucionais como instrumento de verificação da hipótese proposta ao problema inicialmente apresentado. A inovação do estudo realizado não se encontra, assim, necessariamente em seu conteúdo, mas na sistematização teórica da relação existente entre a doutrina da proteção do indivíduo, incorporada definitivamente ao direito constitucional brasileiro atual, e o direito internacional privado. Buscou-se demonstrar que o impacto da proteção do homem na disciplina deve ser entendido como um diálogo e que a técnica conflitual não seria meramente induzida pelos direitos humanos fundamentais, mas também indutora de seu reconhecimento e consagração. O trabalho foi dividido em três partes distintas, mas interdependentes. Na primeira delas, apresentaram-se as bases teóricas da pesquisa. Foram organizadas, nesse ponto, as premissas consideradas essenciais ao avanço da investigação. A segunda seção adota a classificação predominante na doutrina brasileira para o objeto do direito internacional privado para sistematizar a análise do tema em seu viés prático. Na terceira seção, demonstra-se de que forma os resultados parciais obtidos acabaram por negar paulatinamente a hipótese inicial fixada. Observou-se que, caso se admitisse que o discurso dos direitos humanos se estabeleceu como axioma informador do direito como um todo há poucas centenas de anos e que a ordem jurídica brasileira apenas protegeu o indivíduo a partir de 1988, o direito internacional privado deveria ser entendido como predecessor, como técnica que antecipou toda essa dinâmica. Mais que isso, concluiu-se que o sobredireito internacional tem sua origem e finalidade maior na proteção dos seres humanos e que não foi apenas induzido pelo discurso da defesa do homem. Conclui-se, por fim, que tratar a proteção do ser humano pelo direito internacional privado como dado contemporâneo ou moderno constituiria, de todo o investigado, grave equívoco que desconsideraria as origens, os fundamentos e as funções da técnica conflitual.

La protection des droits de l'homme dans l'Union européenne avant et après le traité constitutionnel. La Constitution représente-t-elle la bonne voie?

Les Communautés européennes et l'Union européenne ont toujours exprimé leur engagement à respecter les droits de l'homme. Depuis la première Convention intergouvernementale chargée de la rédaction du projet de Charte des Droits Fondamentaux (1999-2001), une deuxième Convention a été organisée. La dernière a proposé le projet de Constitution pour l'Union européenne qui par la suite a été rejeté dans deux referenda nationaux et a soulevé de nombreuses questions sur la légitimité de l'Union et son avenir. Récemment, le Conseil de l'Union Européenne a décidé d'abandonner le projet de Constitution pour l'Union européenne et a ouvert la voie vers le traité modificatif. À part la légitimité de l'Union en tant que organisation internationale ou ordre juridique international et tous les problèmes auxiliaires que la constitutionnalisation implique, ce processus est inextricablement lié au sujet très controversé de la politique des droits de l'homme. Conformément au traité constitutionnel, la Charte d'un côté et la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme de l'autre seraient devenu parties intégrantes du système constitutionnel européen. Par contre, le nouveau traité modificatif comprendra juste un renvoi à la Charte. Néanmoins, le problème de l'Union européenne demeure l'absence d'une politique cohérente avec toutes ses éléments - des instruments écrits contraignants, l'efficacité des voies de recours, une agence des droits de l'homme, un budget et un plan horizontal. Tandis que le traité constitutionnel sans pour autant résoudre tous ces problèmes a représenté un grand pas en avant dans cette direction, le nouveau traité semble être un compromis.

La indeterminación del campo de la Justicia Transicional en Colombia

La justicia transicional debe enfrentar la negación de las atrocidades. A pesar de la sofisticación del marco de derechos humanos presente en el sistema legal colombiano, el campo de la justicia transicional en Colombia adolece de un significativo grado de indeterminación normativa, como si dicho campo aconteciera en un vacío constitucional”. Como consecuencia, ha sido objeto de uso estratégico por parte de distintos actores políticos dotados de intencionalidad en la fijación del sentido del arreglo institucional de la llamada justicia transicional. El uso estratégico gravita entre el acatamiento pleno del marco de derechos humanos o su elusión en distintos grados. La elusión niega las atrocidades. Para que el discurso de la justicia transicional en Colombia contribuya a hacer justicia por las atrocidades, debe dar viabilidad práctica a los derechos de las víctimas, no reducir esos estándares. Para ello, son necesarios dos requisitos: desde el punto de vista sustantivo, debe acatar las obligaciones en materia de verdad, justicia y reparación, que son parámetro de constitucionalidad, y respetar el núcleo esencial de tales derechos, sin perjuicio de la libertad de configuración legislativa y de la ponderación judicial. Desde el punto de vista procedimental, debe adoptar como metodología un enfoque contextualizado de análisis comparado que evite el trasplante acrítico de experiencias internacionales inaplicables.