918 resultados para election observers
Resumo:
Nota-se um amadurecimento rápido dos goeses na vida política após a Libertação do colonialismo. Não podemos esquecer que o liberalismo político português desde 1821 providenciou algum treino neste sentido, embra as eleições na altura e até o fim do Estado Novo eram mais uma farsa política do que de algum proveito real para o povo. Também a história mais remota de Goa, nomeadamente o processo da crisitanização nos séculos XVI e XVII tem o seu reflexo na vida politica de Goa em tempos recentes. A militância dos Jesuitas em Salcete reflecte-se na militância dos católicos de Salcete que contribuem o maior número de deputados na Assembleia. Os métodos dos Franciscanos em Bardez não surtiram os mesmos efeitos.
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Purpose - The study evaluates the pre- and post-training lesion localisation ability of a group of novice observers. Parallels are drawn with the performance of inexperienced radiographers taking part in preliminary clinical evaluation (PCE) and ‘red-dot’ systems, operating within radiography practice. Materials and methods - Thirty-four novice observers searched 92 images for simulated lesions. Pre-training and post-training evaluations were completed following the free-response the receiver operating characteristic (FROC) method. Training consisted of observer performance methodology, the characteristics of the simulated lesions and information on lesion frequency. Jackknife alternative FROC (JAFROC) and highest rating inferred ROC analyses were performed to evaluate performance difference on lesion-based and case-based decisions. The significance level of the test was set at 0.05 to control the probability of Type I error. Results - JAFROC analysis (F(3,33) = 26.34, p < 0.0001) and highest-rating inferred ROC analysis (F(3,33) = 10.65, p = 0.0026) revealed a statistically significant difference in lesion detection performance. The JAFROC figure-of-merit was 0.563 (95% CI 0.512,0.614) pre-training and 0.677 (95% CI 0.639,0.715) post-training. Highest rating inferred ROC figure-of-merit was 0.728 (95% CI 0.701,0.755) pre-training and 0.772 (95% CI 0.750,0.793) post-training. Conclusions - This study has demonstrated that novice observer performance can improve significantly. This study design may have relevance in the assessment of inexperienced radiographers taking part in PCE or commenting scheme for trauma.
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Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores
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Many democratic decision making institutions involve quorum rules. Such rules are commonly motivated by concerns about the “legitimacy” or “representativeness” of decisions reached when only a subset of eligible voters participates. A prominent example of this can be found in the context of direct democracy mechanisms, such as referenda and initiatives. We conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate the consequences of the two most common types of quorum rules: a participation quorum and an approval quorum. We find that both types of quora lead to lower participation rates, dramatically increasing the likelihood of full-fledged electoral boycotts on the part of those who endorse the Status Quo. This discouraging effect is significantly larger under a participation quorum than under an approval quorum.
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It is well known that color coding facilitates search and iden- tification in real-life tasks. The aim of this work was to compare reac- tion times for normal color and dichromatic observers in a visual search experiment. A unique distracter color was used to avoid abnormal color vision vulnerability to background complexity. Reaction times for nor- mal color observers and dichromats were estimated for 2◦ central vision at 48 directions around a white point in CIE L∗a∗b∗ color space for systematic examination on the mechanisms of dichromatic color percep- tion. The results show that mean search times for dichromats were twice larger compared to the normal color observers and for all directions. The difference between the copunctual confusion lines and the confusion direction measure experimentally was 5.5◦ for protanopes and 7.5◦ for deuteranopes.
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This paper studies the impact of instrumental voting on information demand and mass media behaviour during electoral campaigns. If voters act instrumentally then information demand should increase with the closeness of an election. Mass media are modeled as profit-maximizing firms that take into account information demand, the value of customers to advertisers and the marginal cost of customers. Information supply should be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, there is a higher population density, and customers are on average more profitable for advertisers. The impact of electorate size is theoretically undetermined. These conclusions are then tested with comfortable results on data from the 1997 general election in Britain.
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In this paper the electoral consequences of the Islamist terrorist attacks on March 11, 2004 are analysed. According to a quantitative analysis based on a post-electoral survey, we show the causal mechanisms that transform voters’ reactions to the bombings into a particular electoral behaviour and estimate their relevance in the electoral results on March 14, 2004
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Questions: A multiple plot design was developed for permanent vegetation plots. How reliable are the different methods used in this design and which changes can we measure? Location: Alpine meadows (2430 m a.s.l.) in the Swiss Alps. Methods: Four inventories were obtained from 40 m(2) plots: four subplots (0.4 m(2)) with a list of species, two 10m transects with the point method (50 points on each), one subplot (4 m2) with a list of species and visual cover estimates as a percentage and the complete plot (40 m(2)) with a list of species and visual estimates in classes. This design was tested by five to seven experienced botanists in three plots. Results: Whatever the sampling size, only 45-63% of the species were seen by all the observers. However, the majority of the overlooked species had cover < 0.1%. Pairs of observers overlooked 10-20% less species than single observers. The point method was the best method for cover estimate, but it took much longer than visual cover estimates, and 100 points allowed for the monitoring of only a very limited number of species. The visual estimate as a percentage was more precise than classes. Working in pairs did not improve the estimates, but one botanist repeating the survey is more reliable than a succession of different observers. Conclusion: Lists of species are insufficient for monitoring. It is necessary to add cover estimates to allow for subsequent interpretations in spite of the overlooked species. The choice of the method depends on the available resources: the point method is time consuming but gives precise data for a limited number of species, while visual estimates are quick but allow for recording only large changes in cover. Constant pairs of observers improve the reliability of the records.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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The Conservative Party emerged from the 2010 United Kingdom General Election as the largest single party, but their support was not geographically uniform. In this paper, we estimate a hierarchical Bayesian spatial probit model that tests for the presence of regional voting effects. This model allows for the estimation of individual region-specic effects on the probability of Conservative Party success, incorporating information on the spatial relationships between the regions of the mainland United Kingdom. After controlling for a range of important covariates, we find that these spatial relationships are significant and that our individual region-specic effects estimates provide additional evidence of North-South variations in Conservative Party support.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.
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Cognitive errors (CE) and coping strategies (CS) are the focus of most cognitive-behavioral treatments for incarcerated child molesters. Several studies have reported differences in CEs and CSs between child molesters and controls. However, the vast majority of these studies assessed cognitive errors and coping using questionnaires, which are known to present a number of important limitations. This pilot study aimed to compare the CEs and CSs of N = 17 incarcerated child abusers and N = 12 controls using observer-rated methods, namely the Cognitive Error Rating Scale (CERS; Drapeau et al., 2005) and the Coping Action Pattern Rating Scale (CAPRS; Perry, Drapeau, & Dunkley, 2005). Results showed that child molesters presented more cognitive errors, in particular positive selective abstraction, and lower coping functioning, such as escape strategies. Treatment and research implications, including the use of observer-rated methods, are discussed.