980 resultados para democratic society


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The study focuses on five lower secondary school pupils’ daily use of their one-toone computers, the overall aim being to investigate literacy in this form of computing. Theoretically, the study is rooted in the New Literacy tradition with an ecological perspective, in combination with socio-semiotic theory in a multimodal perspective. New Literacy in the ecological perspective focuses on literacy practices and place/space and on the links between them. Literacy is viewed as socially based, in specific situations and in recurring social practices. Socio-semiotic theory embodying the multimodal perspective is used for the text analysis. The methodology is known as socio-semiotic ethnography. The ethnographic methods encompass just over two years of fieldwork with participating observations of the five participants’ computing activities at home, at school and elsewhere. The participants, one boy and two girls from the Blue (Anemone) School and two girls from the White (Anemone) School, were chosen to reflect a broad spectrum in terms of sociocultural and socioeconomic background. The study shows the existence of a both broad and deep variation in the way digital literacy features in the participants’ one-to-one computing. These variations are associated with experience in relation to the home, the living environment, place, personal qualities and school. The more varied computer usage of the Blue School participants is connected with the interests they developed in their homes and living environments and in the computing practices undertaken in school. Their more varied usage of the computer is reflected in their broader digital literacy repertoires and their greater number and variety of digital literacy abilities. The Blue School participants’ text production is more multifaceted, covers a wider range of subjects and displays a broader palette of semiotic resources. It also combines more text types and the texts are generally longer than those of the White School participants. The Blue School girls have developed a text culture that is close to that of the school. In their case, there is clear linkage between school-initiated and self-initiated computing activities, while other participants do not have the same opportunities to link and integrate self-initiated computing activities into the school context. It also becomes clear that the Blue School girls can relate and adapt their texts to different communicative practices and recipients. In addition, the study shows that the Blue School girls have some degree of scope in their school practice as a result of incorporating into it certain communicative practices that they have developed in nonschool contexts. Quite contrary to the hopes expressed that one-to-one computing would reduce digital inequality, it has increased between these participants. Whether the same or similar results apply in a larger perspective, on a more structural level, is a question that this study cannot answer. It can only draw attention to the need to investigate the matter. The study shows in a variety of ways that the White School participants do not have the same opportunity to develop their digital literacy as the Blue School participants. In an equivalence perspective, schools have a compensational task to perform. It is abundantly clear from the study that investing in one-to-one projects is not enough to combat digital inequality and achieve the digitisation goals established for school education. Alongside their investments in technology, schools need to develop a didactic that legitimises and compensates for the different circumstances of different pupils. The compensational role of schools in this connection is important not only for the present participants but also for the community at large, in that it can help to secure a cohesive, open and democratic society.

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The writings of John Dewey (1859-1952) and Simone Weil (1909-1943) were analyzed with a view to answering 3 main questions: What is wisdom? How is wisdom connected to experience? How does one educate for a love of wisdom? Using a dialectical method whereby Dewey (a pragmatist) was critiqued by Weil (a Christian Platonist) and vice versa, commonalities and differences were identified and clarified. For both, wisdom involved the application of thought to specific, concrete problems in order to secure a better way of life. For Weil, wisdom was centered on a love of truth that involved a certain way of applying one's attention to a concrete or theoretical problem. Weil believed that nature was subject to a divine wisdom and that a truly democratic society had supernatural roots. Dewey believed that any attempt to move beyond nature would stunt the growth of wisdom. For him, wisdom could be nourished only by natural streams-even if some ofthem were given a divine designation. For both, wisdom emerged through the discipline of work understood as intelligent activity, a coherent relationship between thinking and acting. Although Weil and Dewey differed on how they distinguished these 2 activities, they both advocated a type of education which involved practical experience and confronted concrete problems. Whereas Dewey viewed each problem optimistically with the hope of solving it, Weil saw wisdom in, contemplating insoluble contradictions. For both, educating for a love of wisdom meant cultivating a student's desire to keep thinking in line with acting-wanting to test ideas in action and striving to make sense of actions observed.

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ADeweyan (1916) democratic theoty ofeducation called for the participation ofall citizens in deliberating important educational issues to improve overall student learning. Thus, the move to include parents in educational decision making can be considered to be rooted in democratic principles. To gain greater insight into the issue ofparent involvement in educational decision making, one elementary school was studied and a triangulization method was employed in an attempt to clarify the important issues surrolUlding the move to include parents in the governance ofschools. The three methods to gain information included surveys, interviews, and documentation ofsignificant school events and related work. All ofthe parents and teachers ofthe school were surveyed, 10 parents and 6teachers were interviewed, and related school events were recorded. The survey design was modeled on the Parent Involvement Questionnaire (PIQ) created and reported on by Chavkin and Williams (1987). The results ofthe surveys were used as a guide for the interview questions. An interview outline was developed based on Seidman's (1991) open-ended approach and Patton's (1980) standardized open-ended interview style in which parents and teachers were asked about their experiences and opinions on anmnber ofparent involvement issues. Parents and teachers in this school indicated agreater interest in becoming more aware ofeducational issues such as school budget and school discipline policies. Although the parents indicated agreater interest in school matters and the teachers indicated awillingness to include parents in school matters, both the parents and teachers in this study perceived the role ofthe parent as advisory, not decision making. It was concluded that to ensure ameaningful and functional role for parellts as tlleir p811icipatioll ill educational matters evolves, SCllools must have a clear vision ofthe primary goal ofall schools, namely, to foster and nourish democratic citizens for ademocratic society (Glickman, 1993). Furthennore, intentional practices such as Purkey's (ad) 5-P Relay approach, based on a democratic theory and practice of education, will have to be employed in order to give parents an authentic voice in educational matters and provide an avenue for parents to acquire the necessary skills and lmowledge needed to do so. As schools, school boards, and the Ministry ofEducation implement parent involvement guidelines and policies, developmental needs ofeach school need to be considered to ensure the employment ofdemocratic practices not authoritarian mandates. Parent interest and involvement, at whatever level, should be an important element in the overall move to make schools part ofthe democratic society they were meant to be.

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Le pouvoir de détenir une personne à des fins d'enquête n'est pas une technique d'investigation nouvelle et tire son origine du droit anglais. Mais cette méthode d'enquête, qui consiste à restreindre temporairement la liberté de mouvement d'une personne que l'on soupçonne pour des motifs raisonnables d'être impliquée dans une activité criminelle, ne fut reconnue officiellement au Canada qu'en juillet 2004 suite au jugement rendu par la Cour suprême dans l'affaire R. c. Mann. Au moment d'écrire ces lignes, cette stratégie d'enquête policière ne fait toujours pas l'objet d'une réglementation spécifique au Code criminel. L'approbation de cette technique d'enquête, en l'absence de toute forme de législation, ne s'est pas faite sans critiques de la part des auteurs et des commentateurs judiciaires qui y voient une intrusion dans un champ de compétences normalement réservé au Parlement. L'arrêt Mann laisse également en suspens une question cruciale qui se rapporte directement aux droits constitutionnels des citoyens faisant l'objet d'une détention semblable: il s'agit du droit d'avoir recours sans délai à l'assistance d'un avocat. Le présent travail se veut donc une étude approfondie du concept de la détention à des fins d'enquête en droit criminel canadien et de son impact sur les droits constitutionnels dont bénéficient les citoyens de notre pays. Pour accomplir cette tâche, l'auteur propose une analyse de la question en trois chapitres distincts. Dans le premier chapitre, l'auteur se penche sur le rôle et les fonctions dévolus aux agents de la paix qui exécutent leur mission à l'intérieur d'une société libre et démocratique comme celle qui prévaut au Canada. Cette étude permettra au lecteur de mieux connaître les principaux acteurs qui assurent le maintien de l'ordre sur le territoire québécois, les crimes qu'ils sont le plus souvent appelés à combattre ainsi que les méthodes d'enquête qu'ils emploient pour les réprimer. Le deuxième chapitre est entièrement dédié au concept de la détention à des fins d'enquête en droit criminel canadien. En plus de l'arrêt R. c. Mann qui fera l'objet d'une étude détaillée, plusieurs autres sujets en lien avec cette notion seront abordés. Des thèmes tels que la notion de «détention» au sens des articles 9 et 10b) de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, la différence entre la détention à des fins d'enquête et l'arrestation, les motifs pouvant légalement justifier une intervention policière de même que les limites et l'entendue de la détention d'une personne pour fins d'enquête, seront aussi analysés. Au troisième chapitre, l'auteur se consacre à la question du droit d'avoir recours sans délai à l'assistance d'un avocat (et d'être informé de ce droit) ainsi que du droit de garder le silence dans des circonstances permettant aux agents de la paix de détenir une personne à des fins d'enquête. Faisant l'analogie avec d'autres jugements rendus par nos tribunaux, l'auteur suggère quelques pistes de solutions susceptibles de combler les lacunes qui auront été préalablement identifiées dans les arrêts Mann et Clayton.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université catholique de Louvain

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La recherche analyse le traitement réservé aux demandeurs d'asile au Canada.Plus spécialement, elle se penche sur l'interprétation et l’application de l’article 7 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. La réflexion observe que la mise en œuvre des droits fondamentaux des revendicateurs du statut de réfugié est affectée, selon les époques, par des considérations à dominance « humanitaires » [arrêt Singh, 1985] ou, comme cela est le cas depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par des impératifs allégués de sécurité nationale [arrêt Suresh, 2002]. D’un point de vue analytique, la thèse considère que lorsqu'il s'agit de protéger des populations vulnérables – ce que le Canada s'est juridiquement engagé à faire – le droit public ne peut pas se limiter à la communauté de ses propres membres, citoyens et résidents. D'ailleurs, la Charte reconnaît la protection de ses droits fondamentaux à « toute personne » du fait de sa seule qualité de personne, qu'elle soit ou non citoyenne et la garde des abus. Des exceptions aux droits reconnus à l’article 7 doivent être considérées à la mesure du principe démocratique qui guide nos sociétés. Sur ce fondement, l’analyse interroge l’argumentation et les motivations de certaines décisions judiciaires et législatives qui ont déconsidérées les implications de notions porteuses de valeurs impératives, telles que l'équité, la dignité humaine, la liberté et la sécurité de l'individu, en privilégiant les intérêts étatiques conforment à la conception classique de la souveraineté.

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El análisis del fenómeno migratorio contextualizado en el mundo globalizado, y de la idea de razón pública planteada por el filósofo John Rawls, son el tema principal del presente trabajo. Si bien en la actualidad se han ofrecido diferentes aproximaciones académicas a estudios migratorios, la idea de razón pública, en este caso específico, es clave para comprender las dificultades normativas que surgen a la hora de defender y reconocer las exigencias y derechos de inmigrantes al interior de una nueva sociedad, pues en su teoría, Rawls considera tanto el tipo de relación que deben tener los ciudadanos con el gobierno y la relación que deben tener los ciudadanos entre sí como algunas de las problemáticas más frecuentes que presenta el fenómeno migratorio, a saber, qué tipo de obligación tendrían los Estados con los grupos inmigrantes. El punto fundamental aquí es la defensa de estos derechos de manera justa, es decir, atendiendo al camino que debería seguirse para mantener los principios de igualdad, libertad y autonomía de estos grupos en una sociedad democrática y liberal.

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El estudio busca demostrar la utilidad que tiene la relación estratégica comunitaria en el sector de bebidas alcohólicas en Colombia y cómo la utilizan a través del marketing. Cómo estas funcionan en el sector y si las organizaciones las están aplicando; si lo hacen qué tipo de estrategias emplean para adentrarse y relacionarse con su entorno. Se identifica la efectividad de estas estrategias; si en realidad están promoviendo el desarrollo de la comunidad como el de la organización y paso a seguir se describen las características de esta en el sector objetivo. Se utilizan metodologías tanto cuantitativas como cualitativas para la investigación y análisis de caso analizando la información correspondiente para así poder reseñar y describir los modelos que se utilizan en el sector.

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A Escola Inclusiva é a conquista recente de uma sociedade culta e democrática que vê na educação um campo de luta pelo cumprimento dos direitos à igualdade de todos os cidadãos independentemente das suas características individuais, exigindo uma escola que não discrimine e aceite a diferença. O trabalho apresentado é decorrente do Projeto de Intervenção, fundamentado na investigação-ação, realizado no âmbito do Curso de 2º ciclo em Educação Especial. Com este projeto quisemos minimizar dificuldades apresentadas por uma aluna com características do espectro do autismo, na área curricular disciplinar de Matemática e da socialização, numa perspectiva inclusiva. O enquadramento teórico abordou a Educação Inclusiva, a Escola Inclusiva, a Aprendizagem Cooperativa e as Perturbações do Espectro do Autismo. Como instrumentos, utilizámos a pesquisa documental, a entrevista semi-directiva à professora de Educação Espacial, a observação naturalista e a sociometria. A planificação global da intervenção, equacionada numa perspectiva de escola inclusiva, foi elaborada a partir do relacionamento/ cruzamento dos dados que resultaram da análise da informação recolhida, avaliados ao longo de todo o processo. A intervenção permitiu-nos constatar que a aluna fez aprendizagens significativas na área académica e social. Assim, nesta intervenção, confrontámo-nos com o desafio de práticas educativas, diferenciadas e inclusivas. Estas práticas, por sua vez, contribuíram para que os colegas e pais a olhassem de forma mais optimista e com um maior respeito face à sua problemática.

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Trata-se de reflectir sobre a livre convivência multicultural, em todas as suas formas, mesmo as socialmente mais intensas, num memso espaço públlico, onde o Estado laico garanta diversidade, igualdade e liberdade de ritos sociais no plano da sociedade civil. Esta é uma questão vital em tempos de globalização e de migração generalizada de pessoas, culturas e processos numa só sociedade de fenómenos intensos de miscigenação cultural, nos seus diversos patamares. Pode uma sociedade democrática garantir equilíbrios, igualdade e liberdade lá onde convivem visões de mundo e ritos sociais aparentemente contrastantes? De que modo? Com que instrumentos políticos é possível regular esta multiculturalidade? E nesta vasta multiculturalidade existirá um mesmo fio condutor que a remeta à unicidade fundamental da existência humana nos seus nexos vitais primordiais?

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In this paper I comment on a recent "letter" by Burleigh Wilkins addressed to nascent egalitarian democracies which offers advice on the achievement of religious toleration. I argue that while Wilkins’ advice is sound as far as it goes, it is nevertheless underdeveloped insofar as his letter fails to distinguish two competing conceptions of toleration – liberal-pluralist and republican-secularist – both of which are consistent with the advice he offers, but each of which yields very different policy recommendations (as can be seen by consideration of The United States v. Lee in America and, I’affaire du foulard in France). I argue that a democratic society of equals must be committed to liberal-pluralist rather than republican-secularist toleration

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The characteristics of the Brazilian historic context, under which the predominant social relations have developed, have led to a process of income concentration and to the political power of the dominant classes. The slavery abolishment hasn't guaranteed the people the rights secured to privileged citizens in general. Such practices were observed during historic process as the low level literacy shown by the census of 1920, the political domination of oligarchies and the military coup, all as determining factors in process of political power concentration. The social indicators and the corruption are extremely unfavorable to our country, but we wonder if that happens only in underdeveloped societies. It is possible that even the American society, even the most developed societies, under the democratic capitalism, can suffer negative consequences of some corruption in the capitalism system. Our observations have led to the perception that all democratic society must be regulated by the State in order to preserve the stability of the system. It has also been observed that it is necessary more effective popular participation in order to neutralize economic groups¿ pressure. It has also become evident the necessity of reduction of commissioned office in the federal public administration. And, finally, it is fundamental to propose an amendment to the construction that allows the Public Ministry to have access to any bank, fiscal or telephonic information of anyone that is in office: It should be called "The Law of Moral Transparency". Those proposals will only be possible if there is massive popular participation and we hope that they express our people¿s will in order to appose to those who act only to obtain private benefits.

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This work of research treats of the police military formation in the state of the Rio de Janeiro. The academic approach to be adopted in respect to verify the state actions for the adaptation of the course of the soldier¿s formation to the national curriculum mould (NCM) for the police education, proposed by the National General Office of Public Security in the year of 2000. It¿s part of a group of actions of the federal government to format the police education in all country. The aim of this action is to form policemen to act in an appropriate way in a democratic society. The result of the research revealed that the Military Police of the state of the Rio de Janeiro, did not effect actions for the adoption the of NCM in the period of 2000-2005, as well as it¿s not preparing the militaries polices to act with base in the values of a democratic society. The empirical material show us the view the of the military police in relation to the education in the Military Police, as well as its performance day by day in the resolution of the social conflicts.

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Este trabalho de pesquisa trata da formação profissional do oficial policial militar no Estado do Amazonas. Trata-se da 1ª turma do Curso de Bacharelado em Segurança Pública e do Cidadão Curso de Formação de Oficiais (CFO), iniciado em agosto de 2002 e concluído em março de 2005. A abordagem acadêmica foi adotada no sentido de se verificar a adaptação do Curso à Matriz Curricular Nacional (MCN) para o ensino policial, versada nas Bases Curriculares para a Formação dos Profissionais da Área de Segurança do Cidadão, apresentada pelo Ministério da Justiça, através da Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (SENASP) em 2000. A Matriz Curricular Nacional integra um conjunto de ações do Governo Federal para balizar o ensino policial, buscando assim, capacitar os oficiais para atuar de maneira adequada em uma sociedade democrática. O conteúdo empírico do trabalho revela o dimensionamento da formação do oficial policial militar consubstanciado pelo ensino, pesquisa e extensão, realizado em parceria entre a Polícia Militar do Estado do Amazonas e a Universidade do Estado do Amazonas, no cenário em que desempenhará suas funções para dirimir os conflitos da ordem pública.