O papel da Organização das Nações Unidas em Angola

RESUMO: Angola tem sido ao longo dos tempos objecto de cobiça por parte de países estrangeiros por motivações diversas, que foram desde interesses coloniais – como aconteceu com Portugal, que durante séculos a colonizou, e da Holanda, que dominou Luanda entre 1641 e 1648 – ou por interesses hegemónicos, ideológicos e políticos – como sucedeu com os EUA e a URSS, mas também com a Republica Popular da China e Cuba – e até por interesses regionais – como foram os casos da África do Sul e dos contíguos Congo Belga, hoje Republica Democrática do Congo, e Zâmbia. No entanto, a todos estes interesses diversos não se pode excluir um que lhes é transversal: o interesse económico. De facto, os 1246700 km² de que Angola dispõe, aliados à sua excelente localização geográfica com uma extensa costa atlântica e a sua extraordinária riqueza em recursos naturais podem explicar este envolvimento estrangeiro na História de Angola. No que diz respeito ao objecto da Dissertação, o envolvimento da ONU nas questões relacionadas com Angola remonta à década de 50, ou seja, ao período colonial e muito antes da independência do país em 1975, devido à política descolonizadora saída da II Guerra Mundial. Além disso, a dinâmica que emergiu da II Guerra Mundial, rapidamente, reconfigurou o panorama político internacional em dois blocos: o ocidental liderado pelos EUA e o de Leste liderado pela URSS, que se envolveram numa Guerra Fria, polarização cujos efeitos se ligam de forma trágica à guerra em Angola, primeiro para a autodeterminação, e, depois, já num contexto de independência, num conflito armado que ultrapassou o plano interno. Os interesses dos EUA e da URSS, que começaram por ser antagónicos, deram lugar em 1989 com o fim da bipolaridade a uma cooperação mais aberta e uma abertura política em Angola rumo à paz e ao início da construção da democracia. Neste trabalho estuda-se o papel da ONU em Angola, quer no período de luta pela independência, quer depois, na busca da paz no sangrento conflito – nem sempre civil – que mesmo antes da data da independência, a 11 de Novembro de 1975, e até Fevereiro de 2002, dilacerou o país. Procura-se, igualmente, analisar o contributo da ONU na consolidação das instituições e na construção de um regime democrático em Angola. ABSTRACT: Angola has been along time subject to the greed of several foreign countries for many reasons and motivations which go from colonial interests - that is the cases of, Portugal which for centuries colonized it, and Netherlands under whose administration had been Luanda between 1641 and 1648 - or for hegemonic, ideological and political interests - as it happened in regard to USA and USSR, but also People‟s Republic of China, Cuba, - and even for regional interests - regarding South Africa Republic, and the neighbouring countries, Democratic Republic of Congo (ancient Republic of the Congo “Leopoldville”), and the Republic of Zambia. On the other hand to these interests we may join another which is transversal to all of them: economic interest. Effectively, Angola‟s 481,351 square miles (1,246,700 Km2) estimated area, combined with its excellent geographical location with a lengthy Atlantic coast, its extraordinary richness in natural resources may well explain this foreign participation in its Political History. Concerning the objective of this work, the UN has been involved in matters regarding Angola since the decade of 50 of the last century, during the colonial period, long before the independence of the country in 1975, due to the decolonization policy emerged from the Second World War. Furthermore, after the Second World War, international environment has changed, transforming quickly the world into two main blocs, the West with the leadership of the USA and the East with the leadership of USSR which went into a Cold War. The effects of this polarization reached tragically Angola, early in the fight for self-determination, and went on later after independence in an armed conflict, which has overcome the internal dimension. The USA and USSR interests, at the beginning being antagonistic had become by 1989, with the end of bipolarity, more cooperative, leading Angola to a political reform towards peace and beginning the construction of democracy. In this academic work it‟s studied the UNO role in Angola since the fight for self-determination early in the sixties of last century, and later in the search for peace during the bloody - and not always civil – war conflict which very before independence date in 11th November 1975, and as long as 2002, divided the country. Additionally, this work aims to understand the UNO contribution to consolidate institutions and to promote democracy in Angola.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Revolution in Crisis: The Ruptures of Revolution and Ruptured Revolutions Through the Ruptures of Artistic Practice

This article proposes an investigation of the history and memory of the Carnation Revolution through the lens of contemporary art. Drawing upon the argument according to which history and memory are investigated by visual artists by means other, but no less relevant, than those of professional historians, this article will argue for the importance of attending to the visual, auditory, textual, object- and research-based ways in which artists from several generations and geographies have been unearthing the repressed histories and memories of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal and of anticolonial struggles, decolonization and post-independence nation-building in Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Angola. The discussion focuses on several works by Ângela Ferreira, but attention will also be paid to precursors in imaging the Revolution, such as Ana Hatherly, and to a younger generation of artists such as Filipa César, Kiluanji Kia Henda and Daniel Barroca.

Cidadania, imigração e nacionalidade na União Europeia

Projeto de mestrado em Políticas Comunitárias e Cooperação Territorial

Long-Term Control of Endemic Hospital-Wide Methicillin-Resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA): The Impact of Targeted Active Surveillance for MRSA in Patients and Healthcare Workers

To evaluate the long-term impact of successive interventions on rates of methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) colonization or infection and MRSA bacteremia in an endemic hospital-wide situation. DESIGN:Quasi-experimental, interrupted time-series analysis. The impact of the interventions was analyzed by use of segmented regression. Representative MRSA isolates were typed by use of pulsed-field gel electrophoresis. SETTING:A 950-bed teaching hospital in Seville, Spain. PATIENTS:All patients admitted to the hospital during the period from 1995 through 2008. METHODS:Three successive interventions were studied: (1) contact precautions, with no active surveillance for MRSA; (2) targeted active surveillance for MRSA in patients and healthcare workers in specific wards, prioritized according to clinical epidemiology data; and (3) targeted active surveillance for MRSA in patients admitted from other medical centers. RESULTS:Neither the preintervention rate of MRSA colonization or infection (0.56 cases per 1,000 patient-days [95% confidence interval {CI}, 0.49-0.62 cases per 1,000 patient-days]) nor the slope for the rate of MRSA colonization or infection changed significantly after the first intervention. The rate decreased significantly to 0.28 cases per 1,000 patient-days (95% CI, 0.17-0.40 cases per 1,000 patient-days) after the second intervention and to 0.07 cases per 1,000 patient-days (95% CI, 0.06-0.08 cases per 1,000 patient-days) after the third intervention, and the rate remained at a similar level for 8 years. The MRSA bacteremia rate decreased by 80%, whereas the rate of bacteremia due to methicillin-susceptible S. aureus did not change. Eighty-three percent of the MRSA isolates identified were clonally related. All MRSA isolates obtained from healthcare workers were clonally related to those recovered from patients who were in their care. CONCLUSION:Our data indicate that long-term control of endemic MRSA is feasible in tertiary care centers. The use of targeted active surveillance for MRSA in patients and healthcare workers in specific wards (identified by means of analysis of clinical epidemiology data) and the use of decolonization were key to the success of the program.

Devenir charrùa dans l'Uruguay de l'après dictature Entre mémoires fragmentées et « sens du collectif ». Une ethnographie audiovisuelle en collaboration.

Dans cette recherche, je me suis intéressée à la genèse des rapports sociaux construisant un collectif, dans l'articulation être nommé et se nommer. En Uruguay, pays construit sur un imaginaire social dit "sans indiens", mon travail a consisté à essayer de comprendre les conditions historiques, sociales et politiques d'émergence de collectifs de personnes réclamant l'appartenance à une identité autochtone précise, l'identité charrùa. J'ai démontré qu'il s'agit d'un processus en cours, individuel et collectif, qui a des temporalités diverses, qui a néanmoins émergé depuis une vingtaine d'années, dans le contexte de la post-dictature et celui géopolitique de l'autochtonie, dans une articulation local/global. L'analyse dévoile que l'identité charrùa est l'enjeu du rapport social qui est la lutte politique contre l'exclusion. Cette identité accompagne l'état-nation depuis sa fondation. Figure duelle, cette identité contient les traces des violences internes dans un continuum de mémoires fragmentées et entrelacées. Elle est aussi promesse de devenir en tant que modèle identitaire parvenu à l'autonomie et conservant le « sens du collectif ». Anthropologue engagée, me situant dans une perspective décoloniale, j'ai proposé aux personnes avec qui j'ai effectué cette recherche, d'élaborer une ethnographie collaborative, la caméra et les films se situant au coeur du terrain, compris comme espace relationnel de construction d'une connaissance partagée. -- My research is based on the genesis of social relations which build up a collective, structured on being named and be named. My work in Uruguay, country built on a social construct called "without Indians", was to try to understand the historical, social and political conditions of emerging collectives. These claim the belonging of a precise indigenous identity, the charrua identity. I showed that the current process, which is individual and collective, with different temporalities, emerged twenty years ago, in the post-dictatorship context as well as the geopolitical context of indigeneity, in a local/global structure. The analysis reveals that the charrua identity is the stake of the social relation which is political fight against exclusion. This identity accompanies the nation state since its foundation. Dategory dual, this identity keeps the traces of the internal in the continuum of the fragmented and intertwined memories. This is also the becoming promise of an identity model, which reaches autonomy and keeps the "sense of collective". As an involved anthropologist, I worked from a decolonization point of view. I suggested that the people who went through the research with me, should work out a collaborative ethnography, the video camera and the movies being set in the middle of the fieldwork. This one is conceived as a relational space of construction of a shared knowledge.

Did colonization matter for growth? An empirical exploration into the historical causes of Africa's underdevelopment

We investigate the impact of 20th--century European colonizationon growth in Africa. We find that in the 1960--88 period growth has beenfaster for dependencies than for colonies; for British and Frenchcolonies than for Portuguese, Belgian and Italian ones; and for countrieswith less economic penetration during the colonial period. On average,African growth accelerates after decolonization. Proxies for colonialheritage add explanatory power to growth regressions and make indicatorsfor human capital, political and ethnic instability lose significance.Colonial variables capture the same effects of a sub--Saharan dummy andreduce its significance when jointly included in a cross sectionalregression with 98 countries.

Sternal wound infection after heart operations in pediatric patients associated with nasal carriage of Staphylococcus aureus.

A cluster of six pediatric cases of deep-seated Staphylococcus aureus infection after heart operations prompted us to perform molecular typing of the S. aureus isolates by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis. This revealed the presence of genotypically distinct isolates in four of the six patients. Isolates of two patients were genotypically identical. All patients carried S. aureus in the anterior nares. In each patient, the banding pattern of deoxyribonucleic acid in these isolates was indistinguishable from that in strains isolated from blood or wound cultures. Molecular typing with pulsed-field gel electrophoresis ruled out nosocomial transmission of S. aureus between four patients; at the same time, it provided evidence for an association between nasal colonization and postoperative wound infection. Epidemiologic investigation of potential links between two patients with identical isolates did not provide any evidence for nosocomial transmission of S. aureus between these patients. Because nasal colonization with S. aureus may be a risk factor for surgical wound infection in pediatric patients undergoing heart operations, preoperative decolonization appears to be warranted.

In vitro activity of gallium maltolate against Staphylococci in logarithmic, stationary, and biofilm growth phases: comparison of conventional and calorimetric susceptibility testing methods.

Ga(3+) is a semimetal element that competes for the iron-binding sites of transporters and enzymes. We investigated the activity of gallium maltolate (GaM), an organic gallium salt with high solubility, against laboratory and clinical strains of methicillin-susceptible Staphylococcus aureus (MSSA), methicillin-resistant S. aureus (MRSA), methicillin-susceptible Staphylococcus epidermidis (MSSE), and methicillin-resistant S. epidermidis (MRSE) in logarithmic or stationary phase and in biofilms. The MICs of GaM were higher for S. aureus (375 to 2000 microg/ml) than S. epidermidis (94 to 200 microg/ml). Minimal biofilm inhibitory concentrations were 3,000 to >or=6,000 microg/ml (S. aureus) and 94 to 3,000 microg/ml (S. epidermidis). In time-kill studies, GaM exhibited a slow and dose-dependent killing, with maximal action at 24 h against S. aureus of 1.9 log(10) CFU/ml (MSSA) and 3.3 log(10) CFU/ml (MRSA) at 3x MIC and 2.9 log(10) CFU/ml (MSSE) and 4.0 log(10) CFU/ml (MRSE) against S. epidermidis at 10x MIC. In calorimetric studies, growth-related heat production was inhibited by GaM at subinhibitory concentrations; and the minimal heat inhibition concentrations were 188 to 4,500 microg/ml (MSSA), 94 to 1,500 microg/ml (MRSA), and 94 to 375 microg/ml (MSSE and MRSE), which correlated well with the MICs. Thus, calorimetry was a fast, accurate, and simple method useful for investigation of antimicrobial activity at subinhibitory concentrations. In conclusion, GaM exhibited activity against staphylococci in different growth phases, including in stationary phase and biofilms, but high concentrations were required. These data support the potential topical use of GaM, including its use for the treatment of wound infections, MRSA decolonization, and coating of implants.

Patients at risk of complications of Staphylococcus aureus bloodstream infection.

Staphylococcus aureus is one of the most common causative pathogens of bloodstream infections (BSIs). In approximately one-half of patients with S. aureus BSI, no portal of entry can be documented. This group of patients has a high risk of developing septic metastases. Similarly, patient populations at high risk of S. aureus BSI and BSI-associated complications include patients receiving hemodialysis, injection drug users, patients with diabetes, and patients with preexisting cardiac conditions or other comorbidities. One of the most severe complications of S. aureus BSI is infective endocarditis, and S. aureus is now the most common cause of infective endocarditis in the developed world. Patients with methicillin-resistant S. aureus BSI or infective endocarditis have higher rates of mortality, compared with patients with methicillin-susceptible S. aureus infection. Nasal carriage is the most important source of S. aureus BSI. Better eradication and control strategies, including nasal decolonization and more-active antibiotics, are needed to combat S. aureus BSIs.

Métis or Moniyâw: Explorative stories of decolonizing my Métis identity

This thesis explores my emergent processes of identifying as a Métis person through autoethnographic narratives. I provide an overview of Métis history, identification, and decolonization, especially written by and for Aboriginal peoples. Using a decolonizing framework of Indigenous métissage (Donald, 2012) – which brings together complex, and nuanced influences to build knowledge – and an autoethnographic methodology, I explore cultural knowledges through critical self-reflection. I collected autoethnographic data in the form of personal journals and family artifacts; additionally, I shared conversations with other Métis peoples, which I used to further inform my own processes of identification and decolonization. The study results are presented as narrative vignettes, offering conclusions about: a) cultural ambivalence; b) privilege; c) language and music reclamation; and d) building relationships with both people and land. This research builds upon literature by, about, and for the benefit of Aboriginal peoples and settlers and offers considerations relevant to decolonization and identification.

La Loi sur la gouvernance des premières nations : (dé)colonisation du droit fédéral canadien en matière autochtone ?

Les relations entre l'État canadien et les Autochtones sont, depuis 1876, principalement régies par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le 9 octobre 2001, le ministre des affaires indiennes et du Nord canadien présente à la Chambre des communes la Loi sur la gouvernance des Premières nations (LGPN), projet de loi qui, d'affirmer le ministre, constitue une politique charnière en droit fédéral canadien. En effet, la LGPN a pour objet de compléter et de modifier la Loi sur les Indiens afin de préparer, selon les dires du ministre, les communautés autochtones à leur éventuelle émancipation politique. Le discours du gouvernement canadien suggère que la LGPN ouvre la voie à la décolonisation du droit fédéral autochtone puisqu'elle rompt avec l'approche coloniale inhérente à la Loi sur les Indiens. Une grande majorité d'Autochtones s'oppose toutefois à l'adoption de ce projet de loi, l'interprétant comme une reconduction de la politique colonialiste fédérale. L'objectif du présent mémoire est de déterminer si la LGPN annonce véritablement la fin des rapports coloniaux entre le gouvernement canadien et les Autochtones ou si, au contraire, elle n'est que l'expression moderne d'une mesure législative colonialiste. Notre analyse se fonde sur une grille d'identification du colonialisme que nous aurons préalablement établie. Après avoir démontré que la Loi sur les Indiens constitue un exemple paradigmatique de colonialisme, nous tenterons de déterminer si la LGPN se distingue véritablement de la Loi sur les Indiens. Nous conclurons que, bien que comportant certaines mesures positives, la LGPN témoigne de 1'hésitation du gouvernement canadien à changer la nature des relations qu'il entretient avec les Autochtones.

La danse des fantômes à la cour Suprême du Canada: les droits autochtones pendant le premier quart de siècle de l'article 35 de la loi constitutionnelle, 1982

Titre de la page de titre additionnel: Ghost dancing at the Supreme Court of Canada : indigenous rights during the First quarter century of s.35.of Canada's Constitution Act, 1982.

Citer la révolte : la reprise québécoise du discours de la décolonisation francophone

Ayant recours aux théories de l’intertextualité et de la citation telles que développées par Genette, Compagnon et Morawski, ce mémoire met en relation deux corpus distincts mais complémentaires : les principaux essais d’Hubert Aquin, de Gaston Miron et des collaborateurs de la revue Parti pris sont analysés comme réécriture des textes (ou réélaboration des idées) d’Aimé Césaire, de Frantz Fanon et d’Albert Memmi, figures dominantes du discours de la décolonisation francophone. L’approche adoptée vise à mettre en lumière les bases sur lesquelles les intellectuels québécois tâchèrent de justifier leur réutilisation du discours de la décolonisation. Elle permet aussi d’observer dans quelle mesure ce discours orienta la réflexion entourant la redéfinition du nationalisme au Québec, en plus de faciliter sa diffusion. Articulé autour de trois grands axes – l’identité culturelle, les conflits linguistiques ainsi que le rôle de la littérature et de l’écrivain dans le combat pour l’émancipation nationale –, ce mémoire démontre que l'établissement d'un tel partenariat symbolique a été d'un grand apport quant à l'appartenance du Québec à la francophonie.

Análisis del radioteatro a través de la obra de Julio Cortázar : Adiós, Robinson

SOMMAIRE Cette recherche est basée sur l’étude de la pièce Adieu, Robinson, écrite par Julio Cortazar pour le théâtre radiophonique en 1977. Publiée en 1984, elle a été rééditée en 1995 –après le décès de son auteur– et diffusée, vers la fin des années 70, sur tous les continents. L’analyse de l’œuvre a été réalisée en tenant compte de deux orientations différentes mais complémentaires: l’une plus formelle ou technique et l’autre idéologique. Il y a, d’abord, l’étude du théâtre radiophonique comme discours qui utilise un langage spécifique –le langage radiophonique– et suppose un “théâtre écrit pour la radio”, et ce, à partir des œuvres de Rudolf Arnheim, Armand Balsebre et Etienne Fuzellier. Puis, il y a une mise en contexte de la pièce en faisant référence à la situation particulièrement mouvementée de l’Amérique latine, pendant les années 70, en mettant en rapport le sujet de la “décolonisation” avec celui de la libération. Avant d’aborder le sujet du théâtre radiophonique –ce qui inclut ses origines en Argentine, les premières pièces et les caractéristiques du format– et en prenant comme référence l’auteur Jésus Martin-Barbero, nous revoyons brièvement l’histoire du mélodrame, ce spectacle de forte valeur émotionnelle présent en Amérique latine, notamment, dans le théâtre radiophonique et le feuilleton télévisé. Suivant une revue des caractéristiques concernant le style d’écriture de Cortazar, nous analysons la pièce théâtrale d’un point de vue qui tient compte, principalement, des catégories d’espace et de temps, particulièrement importantes dans l’étude d’une œuvre radiophonique. Finalement, cette étude prétend démontrer que le but de Julio Cortazar, en écrivant Adieu, Robinson, n’était pas de proposer un passe-temps radiophonique, mais plutôt d’atteindre un public plus vaste via un puissant moyen de communication en lui offrant une fable anticolonialiste. Mots-clés : Cortazar, Robinson Crusoé, décolonisation, sémiologie du théâtre radiophonique.