956 resultados para cultural meaning


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Als charakteristische Besonderheit in der koreanischen Geschichte besitzt der Korea-Krieg eine wichtige Position, so dass er bisher die gesamte Landesstruktur und -geschichte stark beeinflusst hat. Das gilt auch für die koreanische Filmgeschichte und nach dem Korea-Krieg im Jahr 1950 wurde in den Filmen das Thema „Landesteilung“ häufig aufgegriffen und bis heute oft behandelt.rnIn dieser Untersuchung werden solche Filme als Konflikt-Filme bezeichnet, die die Spaltung des Landes und die Beziehungen zu Nordkorea thematisieren, und insgesamt 60 Beispielfilme aus verschiedenen Filmgenres seit dem Ende des Korea-Kriegs bis zur Gegenwart analysiert und unter dem Aspekt beleuchtet, wie diese politischen und gesellschaftlichen Themen über das Verhältnis zwischen Süd- und Nordkorea repräsentiert werden. Mit Hilfe von Beispielfilmen wird versucht, herauszufinden, wie stark und unterschiedlich der Bruderkrieg und die davon abgeleitete Teilung des Landes in südkoreanischen Filmen im Wandel der Geschichte widergespiegelt werden. rnDiese Arbeit setzt sich zuerst mit Kracauers Spiegeltheorie, einer filmsoziologischen Theorie, und der Genretheorie als wichtigen theoretischen Überlegungen auseinander, um zu verdeutlichen, in welchem Bezug Konfliktfilme über die südkoreanische Gesellschaft angesehen werden und welche Rolle sie als Spiegel der Gesellschaft spielen, um gesellschaftliche Stimmungen, Bewusstseinsformen und Wünsche zu verdeutlichen. Dabei werden die kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen sowie filmwirtschaftlichen Aspekte berücksichtigt. rnDie vorliegende Arbeit bietet einen umfangreichen Überblick über den Konfliktfilm im südkoreanischen Kino seit dem Korea-Krieg. Die koreanischen Konflikt-Filme als regional-spezifische Filmkategorie stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dieser politischen Situation und die Darstellung sowie Thematisierung Nordkoreas werden jeweils durch die verschiedenen Generationen der Filmemacher unterschiedlich präsentiert. Im südkoreanischen Diskurs bilden sie ein eigenes Genre, das alle klassischen und gemischten Filmgenres integriert; im Wandel der Geschichte haben sie sich dabei stetig weiterentwickelt, in engem Zusammenhang mit der Politik der verschiedenen Präsidenten Südkoreas gegenüber Nordkorea. rn

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This study examined emotional responding (sympathy and distress) and prosocial behavior as well as their relations across four cultures in a specific context. Preschool children (N = 212) from two Western cultures, Germany and Israel, and two South-East Asian cultures, Indonesia and Malaysia, participated in this study. Children's emotional reactions and prosocial behavior were observed when interacting with an adult in a quasi-experimental situation. Results showed that children from the two South-East Asian cultures, as compared to children from the two Western cultures, displayed more self-focused distress and less prosocial behavior. Across cultures, a positive relation between sympathy and prosocial behavior and a negative relation between self-focused distress and prosocial behavior were found. The strengths of these relations were moderated by culture. These results are discussed with regard to their cultural meaning in the specific experimental situation as well as to general culture-specific characteristics.

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En este artículo se analiza el desarrollo de las políticas paisajísticas en España, especialmente en su etapa actual, cuando el paisaje se ha convertido en un instrumento importante para la diagnosis y el desarrollo del territorio. En primer lugar, se estudian las diferentes etapas en la evolución de las políticas del paisaje en España, desde el periodo donde el paisaje sólo tenía un significado artístico y cultural (principios del siglo XX) hasta la firma y ratificación por España del Convenio Europeo del Paisaje (CEP) que establece un marco común para las políticas paisajísticas europeas. Se realiza un análisis crítico de los planteamientos del CEP y de los problemas de su implementación en España. Se hace hincapié en la problemática de la democracia y participación pública en la toma de decisiones políticas en materia de ordenación del territorio y paisaje que recomienda el CEP y las dificultades para llevar a cabo las medidas que allí se proponen. Como conclusión, se realiza una reflexión sobre la integración del paisaje en las políticas de ordenación del territorio europeas como una manifestación de la emergencia de las formas más democráticas de gestión del territorio y sobre los nuevos retos de las investigaciones paisajísticas.

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This paper discusses the urban consumer culture in Moscow and Petersburg during the 1880s and 1890s and uses the consumption of bicycles and watches as a lens through which to explore changing perceptions of time and space within the experience of modernity at the end of the nineteenth century. Specifically, I argue that the way in which consumers and merchants constructed a dialogue of meaning around particular objects; the way in which objects are consumed by a culture gives insight into the values, morals, and tenure of that culture. The paper preferences newspaper ads and photographs as the mouthpieces of merchants and consumers respectively as they constructed a dialogue in the language of consumerism, and explores the ways in which both parties sought to assign meaning to objects during the experience of modernity. I am particularly interested in the way consumers perform elements of cultural modernity in photographs and how these instances of performance relate to their negotiation of modernity. The paper takes as its focus large section of the urban Russian population, much of whom can traditionally be called “middle class” but whose diversity has led me to the adoption of the term “consumer community,” and whose makeup is described in detail. The paper contributes to the continuing scholarly discourse on the makeup of the middle class in Russia and the social boundaries of late tsarist society. It speaks to the the developing sensibilities and values of a generation struggling to define itself in a rapidly changing world, to the ways in which conceptualizations of public and private space, as well as feminine and masculine space were redefined, and to the developing visual culture of the Russian consumer society, largely predicated on the display of objects to signify socially desirable traits. Whereas other explorations of consumer culture and advertisements have portrayed the relationship between merchants and consumers as a one-sided monologue in which merchants convince consumers that certain objects have cultural value, I emphasis the dialogue between merchants and consumers, and their mutual negotiation of cultural meaning through objects.

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The study of textiles is an open area of scientific research, which for its variety of material components and physical chemical diversity of conditions, makes a field of interest for scientific studies in the cultural heritage field. Archaeological/historical textiles offer the possibility to carry out studies on organic materials such as fibers, adhesion elements, dyes, paper, etc., as well as on inorganic compounds for instance metals, alloys, precious stones and other added ornamentation. That variety of composition, allow to use a combination of analytical techniques to solve the questions coming from the object in an archaeometric research. One kind of textile object that provides a valuable cultural information because of its linguistic representation employed by its carrier societies, are the flags/banners/emblems, objects made with a nonverbal communication purpose. As long as depending on the use and/or purpose of each object, varies both the materials/techniques used in its production and its iconography (style, color, emblem, shape), its study gives the possibility to extract information through their materials and manufacturing techniques about a temporal-spatial frame, a particular event or a specific character. The flags/banners have been used since the eleventh century as representative objects of power, hierarchy, social or military organization, or as communicative media. The use of these objects has been spread throughout the world, possibly due to its easy interpretation and/or appropriation by different societies, making it part of their own culture. The flags as symbols of territorial control, using emblems that represent a family, order or army, were introduced to the New World (America) with the arrival of the European conquerors at the end of the fifteenth century. Flags/banners representing the Royal dominion over conquered territories, the Catholic Church and conquistadors’ armies were the first to arrive. One of those flags that have endured over time, that have an invaluable cultural meaning for both American and Iberian societies, is the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms. It is a textile object with metal threads decoration over a Royal emblem. According to historical sources, this object was used by Francisco Pizarro in 1532 on the conquest process of Peru, after received the permission by King Charles V to on behalf of him, to conquer the lands of the New World today known as Peru. After Pizarro’s control of the Inca territory, it is believed that Pizarro left his banner on top of the Inca’s Sun’s Temple as symbol of his rule. Centuries later, in the America libertarian campaigns, General Sucre, military at charge of the independence army in Peru, reports have found what he considered the Pizarro’s Banner, sending it to Bogotá as a symbol of victory, being kept since that time until today by the National Museum of Colombia. Due to historical discrepancies in the different movements of the so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, its real meaning has been under discussion and because of the passage of time its physical condition has suffer deterioration. That is because its scientific study is now an interesting case study to respond to both historical and conservation questions of it. Through a collaboration with the National Museum of Colombia, a set of 25 samples of so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms were collected, covering the various components and areas from the object of study. These samples were subjected to analytical studies for physical and chemical characterization. Microscopic observation, VSEM-EDS analysis, Raman spectroscopy, chromatographic analysis (HPLC-MS, GCMS) and radiocarbon dating were done. Similarly, was sought through a direct in situ physical inspection to the object and through a research into historical sources, adequate information to solve the object’s problems. Results obtained allowed to identify as silk the textile used in the elaboration of the Banner’s fabric, as well as the use of natural dyes for dyeing the fibers used on the emblem: use of cochineal and brazil wood as a source of red, luteolin plant-based for yellow color, indigotine plant-based for blue, and a mixture of yellow and blue dyes for green were identified. Similarly, the use of animal glue in the manufacturing process and the use of rag paper was evident. The metal threads study from the Banner give a confirmation to a silver core wire gilded with a thin gold sheet, being flattened and entwined with silk threads for their use. Finally, using the radiocarbon results, it was possible to postulate with huge accuracy that the Banner date manufacture was between the XV-XVI century and subject to restoration processes with addition of textiles in modern times. Together with, was evident that the state of degradation of the fabric is due to natural degradation in the silk fibers, having that its color has faded and its mechanical properties decreased, leading to loss of rigidity and disappearance of the physical structure. Similarly, it was clear the original colors of the emblem and highlight problems of detachment of paper due to crystallization of the adhesive. In the same way, was found that the metal threads suffer corrosion by sulfur and detachment of its crystals. Finally, combining the analytical results and the historical sources data found from the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, allows to postulate that its manufacture process was done in Europe employing precious materials to obtain a long-life object with a deep message for its viewers. Also, the data obtained helps to support the possible idea that the object was employed by Francisco Pizarro in the Peru conquest process. However, by the symbols present in the object, its elaboration date and materials, this object its clearly unique in its kind, and the most important, by its linguistic message, does not represent to Francisco Pizarro or his army, meanwhile, represents the Spanish crown. Therefore, instead to be labeled as Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, it should be called the Colonial Royal Banner of Charles V in the New World; RESUMEN: El estudio de textiles es un área abierta de investigación científica, la cual por su variedad de componentes materiales y la diversidad de condiciones físico-químicas presentes en estos objetos, lo hace un campo de interés para estudios científicos en el patrimonio cultural. Los textiles arqueológicos/históricos brindan la posibilidad de realizar estudios en materiales orgánicos como fibras, elementos de adhesión, tinturas, papel, etc., e inorgánicos como metales, aleaciones, piedras preciosas y demás materiales decorativos añadidos. Por su variedad de composición, es posible emplear diversas técnicas analíticas para resolver aquellas preguntas propias del objeto en una investigación arqueométrica. Uno de los objetos textiles que brinda gran información cultural debido a su representación lingüística empleada por las sociedades portadoras, son las banderas/estandartes/emblemas. Donde varía dependiendo de su uso y/o propósito, los materiales empleados en su elaboración, al igual que su iconografía (estilo, color, emblema, forma). El estudio de estos objetos construidos con un propósito de comunicación no verbal, da la posibilidad de extraer información a través de sus materiales y técnicas de elaboración sobre un rango temporal-espacial, un evento determinado en la historia o incluso a un personaje en específico. Las banderas han sido empleadas desde el siglo XI como objetos representativos de poder, jerarquía, organización social o militar, o como medio de comunicación. El uso de estos objetos se ha extendido a lo largo del mundo posiblemente debido a su fácil interpretación y/o apropiación por distintas sociedades, haciéndolo parte de su cultura. Las banderas como símbolos de control territorial, empleando símbolos que representan a una familia, orden o armada fueron introducidas a el Nuevo Mundo (América) con la llegada de los conquistadores europeos al final del siglo XV. Las banderas/estandartes que representaban el dominio Real sobre territorios dominados, la iglesia católica y las banderas de ejércitos y/o conquistadores fueron las primeras en llegar al nuevo mundo. Una de aquellas banderas que ha soportado el paso del tiempo, teniendo un gran valor cultural tanto para las sociedades americanas como para las ibéricas, es el denominado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro. Siendo un objeto textil con decoración en hilos metálicos sobre un emblema Real. De acuerdo a fuentes históricas, este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en 1532 en el proceso de conquista del Perú, quien recibe por parte del Rey Carlos V el poder para que, en su nombre, Pizarro pueda conquistar las tierras del nuevo mundo hoy conocidas como Perú. Luego del dominio de Pizarro sobre el territorio Inca, se cree que Pizarro dejó su estandarte en la cima del templo Inca del sol como símbolo de su control. Siglos más tarde, en las campañas libertarias de América, el General Sucre, militar encargado de la armada independentista en Perú, reporta haber encontrado lo que él considera como el estandarte de Pizarro, enviándolo a Bogotá como muestra de victoria, siendo custodiada desde ese momento por el Museo Nacional de Colombia hasta la actualidad. Debido a discrepancias históricas, el verdadero significado del llamado estandarte de Pizarro ha sido objeto de discusión y debido del pasar del tiempo su estado de conservación se ha deteriorado. Dejando de este modo, un caso de estudio interesante para que por medio de estudios científicos al objeto se pueda dar respuesta a preguntas tanto históricas como de conservación del mismo. De este modo, por medio de una colaboración con el Museo Nacional de Colombia, se obtuvo un juego de 25 muestras del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, abarcando los diferentes componentes y áreas del objeto de estudio. Dichas muestras fueron sometidas a estudios analíticos para su caracterización físico-química. Análisis de observación al microscopio, análisis VSEM-EDS, espectroscopia Raman, análisis cromatográficos (HPLC-MS, GC-MS) y datación por radiocarbono catorce fueron realizados. Del mismo modo, por medio de una inspección física al objeto in situ y una profunda investigación en fuentes históricas del mismo, se buscó la información adecuada para resolver sus problemáticas. Los resultados obtenidos permitieron identificar como seda el textil empleado en la elaboración del estandarte, así como el uso de colorantes naturales para teñir las fibras en el emblema: uso de cochinilla y palo de Brasil como fuente del color rojo, plantas a base de luteolin para el color amarillo, plantas a base de indigotina para el color azul y mezcla de colorantes amarillos y azules para el color verde fueron identificadas. Del mismo modo se evidencio el uso de adhesivos animales y el uso de papel de trapos en el proceso de manufactura. El estudio de los hilos metálicos, permitió evidenciar el uso de alambres con núcleos de plata con un fino recubrimiento de oro en su exterior, siendo aplanados y entrelazados con hilos de seda para su uso. Finalmente usando la datación por radiocarbono, fue posible conocer con alta precisión que el estandarte fue elaborado entre los siglos XV-XVI y sufrió procesos de restauración con añadidura de textiles en tiempos modernos. Junto a lo anterior, es posible postular que el estado de degradación de la tela es debido a degradación natural en las fibras de seda, teniendo así que su color se ha desvanecido y sus propiedades mecánicas disminuidas, conllevando a perdida de rigidez y desaparición de la estructura. Del mismo modo se pudo conocer los colores originales del emblema y evidenciar problemas de desprendimiento del papel debido a cristalización del adhesivo. Asimismo, se comprobó que los hilos metálicos presentan corrosión por azufre y desprendimiento de sus cristales. Finalmente, combinando los resultados analíticos y la información de fuentes históricas encontradas del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, se puede postular que su elaboración fue realizada en Europa, usando materiales preciosos para obtener un objeto de larga vida con un profundo mensaje para sus observadores. También, los datos obtenidos ayudan a dar soporte la posible idea de que este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en el proceso de conquista del Perú. Sin embargo, debido a los símbolos presentes en el objeto, fecha y materiales de elaboración, este objeto es claramente único en su tipo, y lo más importante, por su mensaje lingüístico, este no representa a Francisco Pizarro o su armada, al contrario, representa a la Corona de España. Por ende, en vez de denominarse como Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, este objeto debería nombrarse como el Estandarte Real de la Colonia de Carlos V en el Nuevo Mundo.

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The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one’s country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe.

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Paper submitted to the Sixth International Conference on Social Science Methodology, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, August 16-20, 2004.

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Abstract: Audiovisual Storytelling and Ideological Horizons: Audiences, Cultural Contexts and Extra-textual Meaning Making In a society characterized by mediatization people are to an increasing degree dependent on mediated narratives as a primary means by which we make sense of our experience through time and our place in society (Hoover 2006, Lynch 2007, Hjarvard 2008, Hjarvard & Lövheim 2012). American media scholar Stewart Hoover points to symbols and scripts available in the media environment, what he call the “symbolic inventory” out of which individuals make religious or spiritual meaning (Hoover 2006: 55). Vernacular meaning-making embedded in everyday life among viewers’ dealing with fiction narratives in films and tv-series highlight a need for a more nuanced understanding of complex audiovisual storytelling. Moving images provide individuals with stories by which reality is maintained and by which humans construct ordered micro-universes for themselves using film as a resource for moral assessment and ideological judgments about life (Plantinga 2009, Johnston 2010, Axelson 2015). Important in this theoretical context are perspectives on viewers’ moral frameworks (Zillman 2005, Andersson & Andersson 2005, Frampton 2006, Avila 2007).This paper presentation will focus on ideological contested meaning making where audiences of different cultural background engage emotionally with filmic narratives, possibly eliciting ideological and spiritual meaning-making related to viewers’ personal world views. Through the example of the Homeland tv-series I want to discuss how spectators’ cultural, religious, political and ideological identities could be understood playing a role in the interpretative process of decoding content. Is it possible to trace patterns of different receptions of the multilayered and ambiguous story depicted in Homeland by religiously engaged Christians and Moslems as well as non-believers, in America, Europe and Middle East? How is the fiction narrative dealt with by spectators in the audience in different cultural contexts and how is it interpreted through the process of extra-text evaluation and real world2understanding in a global era preoccupied with war on terror? The presentation will also discuss methodological considerations about how to reach out to audiences anchored in different cultural context.

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This abstract is a preliminary discussion of the importance of blending of Indigenous cultural knowledges with mainstream knowledges of mathematics for supporting Indigenous young people. This import is emphasised in the documents Preparing the Ground for Partnership (Priest, 2005), The Indigenous Education Strategic Directions 2008–2011 (Department of Education, Training and the Arts, 2007) and the National Goals for Indigenous Education (Department of Education, Employment and Work Relations, 2008). These documents highlight the contextualising of literacy and numeracy to students’ community and culture (see Priest, 2005). Here, Community describes “a culture that is oriented primarily towards the needs of the group. Martin Nakata (2007) describes contextualising to culture as about that which already exists, that is, Torres Strait Islander community, cultural context and home languages (Nakata, 2007, p. 2). Continuing, Ezeife (2002) cites Hollins (1996) in stating that Indigenous people belong to “high-context culture groups” (p. 185). That is, “high-context cultures are characterized by a holistic (top-down) approach to information processing in which meaning is “extracted” from the environment and the situation. Low-context cultures use a linear, sequential building block (bottom-up) approach to information processing in which meaning is constructed” (p.185). In this regard, students who use holistic thought processing are more likely to be disadvantaged in mainstream mathematics classrooms. This is because Westernised mathematics is presented as broken into parts with limited connections made between concepts and with the students’ culture. It potentially conflicts with how they learn. If this is to change the curriculum needs to be made more culture-sensitive and community orientated so that students know and understand what they are learning and for what purposes.

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Aim: The purpose of the study was to explore why Aboriginal women participate in cancer screening programs but appear reluctant to following-up results, or accept medical advice about treatment. Methods: Interpretive ethnography, a qualitative methodology, was used to explore Aboriginal women’s perception of cancer, and the cultural context in which meaning was constructed and influenced treatment decision. Data collection, which occurred over two years, involved fieldwork, participant-observation, face-to-face interviews and focus groups, in two rural Aboriginal communities. Forty eight interviews were recorded from a cross section of the communities, including cancer survivors and patients, family members, health care providers and other women from the community. Results: Key findings were that Aboriginal women’s had a fearful and fatalistic attitude toward cancer, doubted the efficacy of treatment and carried an enduring ambivalence toward the authority of whiteman’s medicine. The women faced a dilemma of wanting access to cancer treatment options but feared entering hospital or clinics not attuned to their cultural needs. Conclusion: The findings highlight the need for a culture-centred approach that decentres the authority of conventional services and instead gives prominence to Aboriginal cultural values as a focal point in cancer control. It should be the responsibility of cancer nurses and others to engage with their local Aboriginal communities to build relationships that foster an exchange of learning about cultural differences that make a difference to how cancer control is practiced.

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Prolific British author/illustrator Anthony Browne both participates in the classic fairy-tale tradition and appropriates its cultural capital, ultimately undertaking a process of self-canonisation alongside the dissemination of fairy tales. In reading Browne’s Hansel and Gretel (1981), The Tunnel (1989) and Into the Forest (2004), a trajectory emerges that moves from broadly intertextual to more exclusively self-referential modes of representation which reward readers of “Anthony Browne”, rather than readers of “fairy tales”. All three books depict ‘babes in the woods’ stories wherein child characters must negotiate some form of threat outside the home in order to return home safely. Thus, they represent childhood agency. However, these visions of agency are ultimately subordinated to logics of capital, which means that child readers of Browne’s fairy-tale books are overtly invited to identify with children who act, but are interpellated as privileged if they ‘know’. Bourdieu’s model of ‘cultural capital’ offers a lens for considering Browne’s production of ‘value’ for his own works within a broader cultural landscape which privileges literary fairy tales as a register of juvenile cultural competency. If cultural capital can be formulated most simply as the symbolic exchange value of approved modes of knowing and being, it is clearly helpful when trying to unpack logics of meaning within heavily intertextual or citational texts. It is also helpful thinking about what kinds of stories we as a culture choose to disseminate, choose to privilege, or choose to suppress. Zipes notes of fairy tales that, “the genre itself becomes a kind of institute that is involved in the socialization and acculturation of readers” (22). He elaborates that, “We initiate readers and expect them to learn the fairy-tale code as part of our responsibility in the civilizing process” (Zipes 29), so it is little wonder that Tatar describes fairy tales as “a vital part of our cultural capital” (xix). Although Browne is clearly interested in literary fairy tales, the most obvious strategies of self-canonisation take place in Browne’s work not in words but in pictures: hidden in plain sight, as illustration becomes self-reflexive citation.

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The study of institutions and policy processes in the formation of culture have been a major concern of the "cultural policy debate", which has been a major debate in Australian cultural studies in the 1990s (Bennett 1992a; Cunningham 1992; O'Regan 1993; cf. McGuigan 1996). Bennett (1992) argues that culture in modern societies is defined less by a distinct series of artistic and intellectual practices, the ways of life of distinctive communities or social groups, or as a system for the structuring of meaning in a society, but rather in terms of "the specificity of the governmental tasks and programmes in which those practices come to be inscribed." (Bennett 1992a: 397) Within such a framework, policy becomes "not... an optional add-on but... central to the definition and constitution of culture" (Bennett 1992a: 397). This understanding of culture as "intrinsically governmental" has in turn been linked to an increasingly strategic role for discourses of citizenship as a basis for the engagement of cultural studies intellectuals with the political sphere...

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This paper seeks to link anthropological and economic treatments of the process of innovation and change, not only within a given ‘complex system’ (e.g. a cosmology; an industry) but also between systems (e.g. cultural and economic systems; but also divine and human systems). The role of the ‘Go-Between’ is considered, both in the anthropological figure of the Trickster (Hyde 1998) and in the Schumpeterian entrepreneur. Both figures parlay appetite (economic wants) into meaning (cultural signs). Both practice a form of creativity based on deception, ‘creative destruction’; renewal by disruption and needs-must adaptation. The disciplinary purpose of the paper is to try to bridge two otherwise disconnected domains – cultural studies and evolutionary economics – by showing that the traditional methods of the humanities (e.g. anthropological, textual and historical analysis) have explanatory force in the context of economic actions and complex-system evolutionary dynamics. The objective is to understand creative innovation as a general cultural attribute rather than one restricted only to accredited experts such as artists; thus to theorise creativity as a form of emergence for dynamic adaptive systems. In this context, change is led by ‘paradigm shifters’ – tricksters and entrepreneurs who create new meanings out of the clash of difference, including the clash of mutually untranslatable communication systems (language, media, culture).