29 resultados para comedian


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This article discusses the so-called newness of today's antisemitism through the historical and social specificities of antisemitism in French society. It casts light on the continuities of antisemitic discourse in France, but also its transformation in relation to the French colonial heritage and the recent ‘communitarianisation’ of France's social life. This analysis of antisemitism is furthered by the presentation of two case-studies: the controversial discourses of comedian Dieudonné and Kémi Séba, leader of a black supremacist movement called Tribu KA which stirred controversies in the 2000s. These two examples emphasise the fact that antisemitic discourse is better understood as a narrative about downward social mobility and status, which hardly makes antisemitism new.

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La présente thèse se veut une relecture du fumisme en tant que concept et mouvement historique daté (années 1860-1880) et situé (la France), ou moment qui représente une économie de sens qui a bouleversé les habitudes perceptuelles et intellectuelles de la réception depuis la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle. Selon la lecture habituelle du fumisme, les productions des poètes et artistes fumistes, qualifiées de « fumisteries », ne forment qu’un chapitre, ou une catégorie négligeable, de l’histoire littéraire. Cette histoire confond le fumisme en tant que mouvement littéraire éphémère avec les épisodes décadent et symboliste pour le réduire à un concours de mystifications de bourgeois par des bohèmes en marge par rapport à l’institution littéraire organisées par le comédien Sapeck et l’écrivain Alphonse Allais, tous deux nommés ironiquement chefs de « l’École fumiste » vers 1880. Or, en offusquant la conception positiviste du langage qu’elle lui applique afin de le réduire à une simple provocation sans but, et en assimilant Rimbaud aux « fumisteries » des « décadents », la critique littéraire nous donne l’outil principal de démystification du fumisme en tant que pratique ou mode de production d’une économie de sens. C’est cette économie qui constitue notre principal point d’intérêt. Contemporain des épisodes décadent et symboliste, le moment fumiste oblige la réception à reconfigurer la façon de produire du sens. Les productions fumistes (essentiellement des poèmes et des caricatures, comme dans l’Album zutique, notre corpus principal) sont fondées sur une économie du rébus. Exemplifiée par le sonnet de Rimbaud intitulé « Voyelles », cette économie, qui crée des « documents », des textes inséparables de leur matière, introduit l’économie artistique du vingtième siècle – en particulier, au mode de perception cinématographique tel que fabriqué par le fumiste Émile Cohl.

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Cette recherche exploratoire et empirique porte sur le vécu de la professionnalisation de l’humoriste québécois francophone. Les ressources théoriques et scientifiques sur le sujet étant peu nombreuses, la théorie ancrée (The Grounded Theory) de Glaser et Strauss (1967) nous permettra d’utiliser nos données de terrain afin que nous puissions les confronter et établir un canevas théorique sur le métier de l’humoriste. Nous nous sommes aussi penchés sur l’étude du rire de Bergson. Selon lui, le rire peut avoir une fonction sociale et c’est aussi un langage universel qui permet à tout un chacun de se reconnaître et de faire partie d’un tout. Du point de vue méthodologique, nous avons interrogé huit humoristes québécois, sept hommes et une femme, jeunes et moins jeunes, ayant fait, ou pas, l’École nationale de l’humour, mais avec comme particularité commune de gagner leur vie en faisant de l’humour. À la suite de ces entrevues, nous avons décidé d’interroger la Directrice de l’École nationale de l’humour, Louise Richer, car chaque humoriste avait un lien particulier avec cette institution. Les entrevues, de type semi-dirigé, ont été réalisées sous une forme chronologique, reliées à une grille de questions sous le thème de la professionnalisation. Les données ont été recueillies et retranscrites (verbatim) grâce à un enregistrement sonore. Faire de l’humour est une profession non conventionnelle où chaque humoriste est laissé à lui-même, mais où rapidement il se crée une espèce de microcosme autour de lui afin de pouvoir évoluer et agir indépendamment des autres. L’adolescence, l’École nationale de l’humour ainsi que le contexte culturel Québécois seront des éléments incontournables à leur professionnalisation.

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In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird analysiert, ob die neue italienische Partei MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) eine rechtspopulistische Partei ist. Darüber hinaus wird mithilfe eines Vergleichs mit Berlusconis Partei Popolo della libertà (PDL) erörtert, ob das M5S den italienischen Rechtspopulismus fortführt. Das M5S wurde im Jahre 2009 von dem italienischen Komiker Beppe Grillo gegründet und zog nach seiner ersten Teilnahme an nationalen Wahlen im Jahre 2013 als zweitstärkste Partei in das italienische Parlament ein. Mit seiner Anti-Establishment-Programmatik und der Ablehnung der etablierten Parteien ähnelt das M5S nicht nur Berlusconis Partei PDL, sondern auch den rechtspopulistischen Parteien, die seit den 1980er Jahren in Westeuropa beständig an Relevanz gewonnen haben. Diese Parteien polemisieren gegen Politiker und Parteien, stellen die Legitimität von Minderheitenrechten und die Prinzipien der repräsentativen Demokratie in Frage. Organisatorisch gruppieren sie sich um einen charismatischen Anführer, dessen Anspruch es ist, die ‚Stimme des Volkes‘ zu repräsentieren. Diese und andere zentrale Charakteristika sind Gegenstand des theoretischen Teils dieser Arbeit. Die Analysedimension sind ‚Programmatik‘ und ‚Organisation‘. Die letztgenannte Kategorie wird in ‚interne Organisationsstruktur‘ und ‚Kommunikation‘ unterteilt. Die Basis der Analyse bilden Parteidokumente (Wahl- und Parteiprogramme, Parteistatuten, Blogeinträge), Experteneinschätzungen und die Forschungsliteratur. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass es sich beim M5S nicht um eine rechtspopulistische, sondern um eine populistische Partei mit linken Elementen handelt. Den italienischen Rechtspopulismus, wie ihn Berlusconis Partei pflegt, führt sie folglich nicht fort. Sie zeigt in der Organisation starke Parallelen, da beide Parteien von ihren Anführern dominiert werden. Aber das M5S hat eine stark web-basierte Organisationsform und vertritt Umweltthemen, was keine typischen Merkmale rechtspopulistischer Parteien sind. Darüber hinaus vertritt es keine nationalistischen Position, was hingegen konstitutiv für Rechtspopulismus ist.

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Sacha Baron Cohen is a British comedian who has garnered a great deal of controversy over the years. Through his characters, Ali G, Borat, and Bruno, he attempts to trick people into letting down their guards and revealing any prejudices (racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, misogyny, et cetera) that they may have. In doing so, each of his three characters has sparked a debate concerning the different issues they bring up: with Ali G, it was whether the character was racist or exposed racism; with Borat, it was whether the character was anti-Semitic or revealed anti-Semitism; and with Bruno, it is whether the character reinforces homophobia or mocks it. I am concerned with the last of these three debates, specifically in relation to Baron Cohen's film Bruno. Many say the film reinforces gay stereotypes and is thus harmful for the gay community, while a seemingly equal number of people say it effectively mocks homophobia and is thus beneficial for the gay community. Using the data I collected from thirty-one interviews conducted after five separate screenings of the film, I argue that Bruno is not harmful for the gay community as audiences understood that the Bruno character is based on exaggerated stereotypes of homosexuals. That is, the film did not reinforce any negative stereotypes. But, I also explain that the film did not change any opinions on homosexuality either. Also in this work, I argue that within the world of cinema, Bruno fails to fit into any pre-existing genre, including the 'mock-documentary' genre where it is most commonly placed. Rather, I suggest the film is better categorized as what I call a Real Fake Mock-documentary. While 'mock-documentaries' are made up of fictional characters in fictional situations, this new term encompasses the fact that Bruno involves a fictional character placed into real situations. I conclude by noting that the content, release, and debate surrounding Bruno all reveal that it is still difficult to bring up the issue of homosexuality in American society, even forty years after the Civil Rights era.

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Herman Stein, President of the International Association of Schools of Social Work from 1968 - 1976, has for more than sixty years excelled as an educator, scholar, internationalist, university administrator, and leader in a variety of professional associations. From almost the beginning of his career, the world has been the stage on which he has played those many roles, all of them with an abundance of talent. In fact, while he was in the graduate program of what is now the Columbia University School of Social Work, he had to decide whether to become a social worker or an actor. As an undergraduate he became involved in student theatrical productions, where he teamed up with the famous comedian, Danny Kaye, who became a life-long companion and friend. At the end of Steins first year in the social work program, he was invited to join an off-Broadway variety show that helped to launch Kaye on his meteoric rise on both stage and screen. "If I´d joined," Stein has said, "the theater probably was going to be where I would make my career as a character actor." Fortunately for social work and social work education, he chose instead to continue his studies at the School of Social Work, from which he received his master's degree in 1941 and the doctoral degree in 1958. While the world has been his stage, education has been at the heart of his manifold activities. Following a period of direct service practice as a caseworker in a well-known private agency in New York City, he was recruited by the Columbia School of Social Work in 1945 as a faculty member. With an interruption for a significant overseas assignment from 1947 to 1950, he continued at Columbia for another fourteen years, rising through all professorial ranks to Professor and Director of the School's Research Center.

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Without the music (by Busby)

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Used by Owen Fawcett who played First Citizen in Booth-Barrett productions.

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"With prefatory remarks ... faithfully marked with the stage business, and stage directions, as it is performed at the Theatres Royal by W. Oxberry, comedian.

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Partial cast for the Drury Lane's production, 1827?: Duncan: Mr. Powell; Malcolm: Mr. Bernard; Macbeth: Mr. Kean; Macduff: Mr. H. Kemble; Banquo: Mr. Bengough; Lady Macbeth: Mrs. W. West.

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There has been a growth of interest in the role of humour in organizations from both practitioner and academic perspectives. Various claims for the functionality of humour have been made, ranging from stress reduction to helping form and cement corporate cultures. Latching on to these presumed benefits, businesses and consultants have begun to employ humour and comedy in a direct and explicit manner. However, there is a counterpoint, which suggests that humour cannot always be managed and in fact has subversive qualities. This article addresses the issue of the subversive potential of comedy in organizational contexts. It draws illustratively on the case of a successful corporate comedian to do so. The article argues, through an analysis of the case, the history and philosophy of comedy, and theories of the comedic, that while comedy has inherent subversive potential, it most often is contained. Indeed, it suggests that comedy works by intruding as a potential threat to mundane reality, but offers comic relief when it is apparent that the threat will not be actualized and the status quo ante prevails. Implications for using corporate comedy are drawn..

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Our case study of charismatic celebrity comedian Russell Brand’s turn to political activism uses Bourdieu’s field theory to understand the process of celebrity migration across social fields. We investigate how Brand’s capital as a celebrity performer, storyteller and self-publicist translated from comedy to politics. To judge how this worked in practice, we analysed the comedic strategies used in his stand-up show Messiah Complex and undertook a conversational analysis of his notorious interview with Jeremy Paxman on the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)’s flagship current affairs programme Newsnight. We argue that Brand was able to secure political legitimacy by creatively constituting himself as an authentic anti-austerity spokesperson for the disenfranchised left in United Kingdom. In order to do so, he repurposed his celebrity capital to political ends and successfully deployed the cultural and social capitals he had developed as a celebrity comedian to secure widespread engagement with his media performances.

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Recibido 09 de junio de 2011 • Aceptado 24 de octubre de 2011 • Corregido 27 de setiembre de 2011   El presente ensayo tiene como finalidad reflexionar sobre la importancia del humor pedagógico como estrategia de enseñanza aprendizaje en el aula; esto, tomando en cuenta la problemática de desmotivación y aburrimiento que sucede normalmente en la clase. Para plantear si “el enseñar contento y el aprender con alegría” pueden aumentar la eficacia en el proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje, se abordará cómo, a pesar de las múltiples ventajas que puede aportar el humor en las aulas, se omite su empleo por la existencia de ciertos prejuicios y temores. La idea no es que los docentes hagan el papel de comediantes o payasos, sino la de mediar y acercar la clase de manera pedagógica y didáctica a través del uso del humor, y sobre esto reflexionaba Platón (1992), cuando planteaba que muchas veces ayudaba una broma, en donde la seriedad oponía resistencia.