As influências do realismo político e do complexo industrial-militar no expansionismo norte americano (1990-2004)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

A organização do espaço sob o olhar das ruralidades: estudo da paisagem e lugar no município de São João do Polêsine, Rio Grande do Sul

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Dinâmica territorial do conhecimento e da inovação: uma análise da Incubadora Tecnológica de São Carlos (SP)

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Differenzierung von Reviergesängen und mitochondrialem Cytochrom-b in drei ausgewählten Singvogelgattungen (Aves, Passeriformes: Genus Regulus, Genus Seicercus und Parus major)

ZusammenfassungLautäußerungen von Singvögeln (Passeriformes) werden gemeinhin als Träger phylogenetischer Information betrachtet, obwohl direkte Nachweise in vergleichend bioakustischen Studien rar sind. Dieser Thematik widmet sich meine Dissertation am Beispiel dreier Singvogelgruppen: Goldhähnchen (Regulus), Goldbrillenlaubsänger (Seicercus) sowie verwandter Laubsänger (Phylloscopus) und Kohlmeisen (Parus major). Neben der Erhebung bioakustischer Daten wurde für jede Gruppe eine molekulare Phylogenie basierend auf Cytochrom-b-Sequenzen erstellt und für verschiedene akustische Merkmale Homoplasie-indizes berechnet (CI, RI und RC). Die phylogenetisch informativen Gesangsstrukturen innerhalb der Gattungen Regulus und Seicercus/ Phylloscopus sind sämtlich Syntaxmerkmale, zumeist der Gesamtstrophe, seltener von Strophenabschnitten. Bei den Goldhähnchen (Regulus) sind solche Syntaxmerkmale angeboren, Elementmerkmale hingegen sind erlernt und phylogenetisch nicht informativ. Die innerhalb der Kohlmeisen homogene Gesangssyntax ist erst auf höherer taxonomischer Ebene (Gattung Parus) ein informatives Merkmal. Der mittels einer Merkmalsmatrix berechnete akustische Divergenzindex zwischen Taxonpaaren steigt signifikant proportional zur genetischen Distanz. Damit ist erstmalig der Zusammenhang zwischen genetischer und akustischer Differenzierung quantifiziert. Die molekulare Phylogenie erhellt zudem bislang ungeklärte phylogenetische Beziehungen innerhalb aller drei Taxa. Diese werden im Hinblick auf das phylogenetische und das biologische Artkonzept diskutiert. Der Artstatus des Teneriffa-Goldhähnchens (Regulus teneriffae) sowie der bokharensis-Kohlmeisen ist fragwürdig aufgrund ihrer engen Verwandtschaft zu zu einzelnen Subspezies der Wintergoldhähnchen bzw. der Kohlmeisen.

Fenomenología de la intercorporeidad

Este artículo se refiere al concepto de intercorporeidad, como una posibilidad de intercambio de partes o piezas entre seres humanos, profundizada por nuevas tecnologías biomédicas. Explica cómo estos intercambios producen otra intersubjetividad, con sus distintas formas de concreción, (transplantes, implantes, transfusiones, donaciones) y analiza sus efectos en un plano biológico, experencial y cultural. Establece nexos entre los posibles procesos de revolución de los cuerpos y su estrecha relación con las transformaciones sociales. Luego el texto al remitirse al concepto de propiedad corporal, muestra diversas posiciones ideológicas que se pueden establecer con los cuerpos, según las apropiaciones y disponibilidades personales, colectivas o universales validadas en un momento particular de la cultura. Con base a estas posibles construcciones sociales, se configuran doctrinas biojurídicas peculiares, que nos exhortan a pensar en la bioética como una teoría de la vida.

Fenomenología de la intercorporeidad

Este artículo se refiere al concepto de intercorporeidad, como una posibilidad de intercambio de partes o piezas entre seres humanos, profundizada por nuevas tecnologías biomédicas. Explica cómo estos intercambios producen otra intersubjetividad, con sus distintas formas de concreción, (transplantes, implantes, transfusiones, donaciones) y analiza sus efectos en un plano biológico, experencial y cultural. Establece nexos entre los posibles procesos de revolución de los cuerpos y su estrecha relación con las transformaciones sociales. Luego el texto al remitirse al concepto de propiedad corporal, muestra diversas posiciones ideológicas que se pueden establecer con los cuerpos, según las apropiaciones y disponibilidades personales, colectivas o universales validadas en un momento particular de la cultura. Con base a estas posibles construcciones sociales, se configuran doctrinas biojurídicas peculiares, que nos exhortan a pensar en la bioética como una teoría de la vida.

Fenomenología de la intercorporeidad

Este artículo se refiere al concepto de intercorporeidad, como una posibilidad de intercambio de partes o piezas entre seres humanos, profundizada por nuevas tecnologías biomédicas. Explica cómo estos intercambios producen otra intersubjetividad, con sus distintas formas de concreción, (transplantes, implantes, transfusiones, donaciones) y analiza sus efectos en un plano biológico, experencial y cultural. Establece nexos entre los posibles procesos de revolución de los cuerpos y su estrecha relación con las transformaciones sociales. Luego el texto al remitirse al concepto de propiedad corporal, muestra diversas posiciones ideológicas que se pueden establecer con los cuerpos, según las apropiaciones y disponibilidades personales, colectivas o universales validadas en un momento particular de la cultura. Con base a estas posibles construcciones sociales, se configuran doctrinas biojurídicas peculiares, que nos exhortan a pensar en la bioética como una teoría de la vida.

Iceland’s contested European Policy: The Footprint of the Past - A Small and Insular Society. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper 01/2013

Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.

Patriarch Kirill's game over Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 144, 14.08.2014

The protests on Kyiv’s Maidan which commenced in November 2013, followed by the conflict in Ukraine’s eastern regions, have redefined the political and social relations between Russia and Ukraine, and have added complexity to the dependences between the Orthodox Churches operating in the two countries. The Kremlin’s policy has put the Russian Orthodox Church–Moscow Patriarchate (ROC) in an awkward position. The ROC is Russia’s largest religious organisation, which also exercises symbolic sovereignty over Ukraine’s most numerous Orthodox community, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Moscow Patriarchate (UOC–MP), which since 13 August has had a new leader, Metropolitan Onufry. The head of the ROC, the Patriarch of Moscow and All-Russia, Kirill, has been facing a dilemma as to how he should respond to the Russian government’s aggressive policy towards Ukraine. His firm support of the Kremlin’s moves in Ukraine, may lose the Russian Church its social influence in this country. This might also catalyse a process within which Ukraine’s largest Orthodox Church would gradually become independent of Moscow. On the other hand, if he condemns the Kremlin’s policy, this would adversely affect the co-operation between ‘the altar and the throne’ which has been rapidly developing over the past few years in Russia, and which has offered multiple benefits to the Russian Church. As a result, Patriarch Kirill has distanced the ROC from the recent developments in Ukraine and has adopted a neutral stance. However, Kirill’s choice has aggravated the negative perception of the ROC among the Orthodox community in Ukraine. Given its close relations with the Kremlin, the ROC is increasingly viewed there as an instrument of political struggle and an exponent of the Russian government’s interests. The ROC’s stance has cast the UOC–MP, which has links with the Russian Church, in an unfavourable light, and has fostered its efforts to become more independent from the Moscow Patriarchate. Regardless of how the situation evolves, the recent developments in Ukraine have made it clear that the interests of the Russian Church and the Kremlin, which have coincided for years, now come into conflict, mainly due to the disagreement over the methods used. Despite this, the Russian Church is not withdrawing from the cooperation of ‘the altar and the throne’, and submits itself to the Kremlin’s decisions.

Estonia in the eurozone - a strategic success. OSW Commentary No. 53, 2011-06-20

The adoption of the euro in January 2011 topped off Estonia’s integration policy. In the opinion of Estonian politicians, this country has never been so secure and stable in its history. Tallinn sees the introduction of the euro primarily in the political context as an entrenchment of the Estonian presence in Europe. The process of establishing increasingly close relations with Western European countries, which the country has consistently implemented since it restored independence in 1991, has been aimed at severing itself its Soviet past and at a gradual reduction of the gap existing between Estonia and the best-developed European economies. The Estonian government also prioritises the enhancement of co-operation as part of the EU and NATO as well as its principled fulfilment of the country’s undertakings. It sees these as important elements for building the country’s international prestige. The meeting of the Maastricht criteria at the time of an economic slump and the adoption of the euro during the eurozone crisis proved the determination and efficiency of the government in Tallinn. Its success has been based on strong support from the Estonian public for the pro-European (integrationist) policy of Estonia: according to public opinion polls, approximately 80% of the country’s residents declare their satisfaction with EU membership, while support for the euro ranges between 50% and 60%. Since Estonia joined the OECD in 2010 and adopted the euro at the beginning of 2011, it has become the leader of integration processes among the Baltic states. The introduction of the euro has reinforced Estonia’s international image and made it more attractive to foreign investors. The positive example of this country may be used as a strong argument by the governments in Lithuania and Latvia when they take action to meet the Maastricht criteria. Vilnius and Riga claim they want to adopt the euro in 2014. The improving economic situation in the Baltic states will contribute to the achievement of this goal, while an excessively high inflation rate, as in 2007, may be the main impediment1.

The oligarchic democracy: The influence of business groups on Ukrainian politics. OSW Study 42/2012

The Ukrainian oligarchic system, which developed into its ultimate shape during Leonid Kuchma’s second presidency, turned out to be very durable. The nature of close relations between the government and the oligarchs has not undergone any major changes either as a consequence of the Orange Revolution or following Victor Yanukovych’s victory in the presidential election of 2010. Although reshuffles have taken place inside the political and business elites, nothing seems to be able to change this system, at least in the medium term. This text is aimed at presenting the network of connections existing between big business and politics in Ukraine and at pointing to the key oligarchic groups and the political forces they support. A definite majority of papers concerning contemporary Ukrainian politics as a rule disregard or deal with this subject very superficially, while it is impossible to understand modern Ukraine without understanding a number of dependencies existing between the political and business elites there.

REDES DE EXTENSÃO UNIVERSITÁRIA: UM ESTUDO DA DIFUSÃO DO CONHECIMENTO NO CAMPO DA ADMINISTRAÇÃO

Esta pesquisa propõe a extensão como espaço de formação profissional por meio de práticas de atividades extensionistas. É competência das Universidades a formação de profissionais que estejam capacitados para a atual conjuntura do mercado. A questão é: estariam as Universidade preparadas para tal formação? As Instituições de Ensino Superior desenvolvem, em seu âmbito educacional, o conhecimento, e têm como responsabilidade social, a devolução do conhecimento à sociedade. Tais instituições têm um grande desafio, a redefinição de seu papel diante das transformações mundiais, como o conhecimento é difundido, e, como torná-lo comprometido com a sociedade. A indissociabilidade entre o ensino, a pesquisa e a extensão é um tripé que pode ser um caminho para o cumprimento da missão das IES no âmbito do compromisso social. Nesse contexto, a extensão universitária é um lugar privilegiado para o diálogo com a sociedade, como forma das IES desenvolverem seu papel social. A questão central a que este trabalho remete é como o conhecimento é difundido nas Redes de Extensão Universitárias. Assim, a presente pesquisa caracteriza-se como qualitativa, explicativa e descritiva. Compara as estruturas das relações de três redes, formadas por grupos de alunos do quarto semestre do curso de Administração de uma faculdade do Interior do Estado de São Paulo, inseridos numa prática de atividade extensionista desenvolvida no decorrer do segundo semestre de 2010. É possível, por meio da análise das redes, estudar o posicionamento estrutural e a intensidade do relacionamento entre os atores, e verificar como ocorre o condicionamento da difusão do conhecimento. Pode-se perceber que relações densas e coesas nas redes estudadas têm maiores possibilidades de promover a difusão de conhecimentos entre os atores. As conclusões da pesquisa revelam que a inserção de alunos em práticas extensionistas pode promover o desenvolvimento de competências e habilidades exigidas de um profissional de Administração, e que, também, podem agregar valor à formação desse profissional, no que diz respeito às experiências de uma práxis cidadã. Palavras-chave: redes, responsabilidade social, administração, extensão universitária, formação discente.

The Ecumenical movement and the making of the European Community

The European Community has largely been considered a predominantly secular project, bringing together the economic and political realms, while failing to mobilise the public voice and imagination of churchmen and the faithful. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources, this is the first study to assess the political history of religious dialogue in the European Community. It challenges the widespread perception that churches started to engage with European institutions only after the 1979 elections to the European Parliament, by detailing close relations between churchmen and high-ranking officials in European institutions, immediately after the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Lucian N. Leustean demonstrates that Cold War divisions between East and West, and the very nature of the ecumenical movement, had a direct impact on the ways in which churches approached the European Community. He brings to light events and issues which have not previously been examined, such as the response of churches to the Schuman Plan, and the political mobilisation of church representations in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg. Leustean argues that the concept of a 'united Europe' has been impeded by competing national differences between religious and political institutions, having a long-standing legacy on the making of a fragmented European Community.

Marketing A Hospitality Program And Its Product

In his dialogue entitled - Marketing A Hospitality Program and Its Product - Jürgen Chopard, Dr. es Sciences (Economics) Director, Centre International de Glion, Glion, Switzerland, Dr. Chopard initially offers: “The recruitment of qualified personnel is extremely difficult in an industry with a poor image; where career paths are not well defined. The author discusses the employment of marketing management techniques to improve the positioning of hospitality education and create a more attractive perception of the hotel industry.” As outlined in the above paragraph, Dr. Chopard vectors-in on marketing strategies from two standpoints; the educational side with its focus on curriculum, and the larger, industry side with its emphasis on public perception and service. These are not necessarily, nor should they be viewed as disparate elements. “ Although some professionals may see schools of hospitality education catering to two markets, students on one hand and industry on the other, in fact, their needs should be viewed as the same and hence a single market,” Dr. Chopard says to bolster his assertion. “The marketing concept is a management orientation that holds that the key task of the organization is to determine the needs and wants of target markets and to adapt the organization to delivering the desired satisfactions more effectively and efficiently than its competitor,” the author confides, with an attribution. From these information/definition leanings, Dr. Chopard continues on a path that promotes the Centre International de Glion, Glion, Switzerland, which he is affiliated with. Why, because they endorse the same principles he is explaining to you. That’s not a bad thing. Essentially, what Dr. Chopard wants you to know is, education and business management are synonymous and therefore should share the same marketing designs and goals. “It is hard to believe that as critically important a sector as education does not use for its own management the techniques which it teaches and which have largely been proved in other fields,” the author provides as counterpoint. Since pedagogical needs so closely relate to the more pragmatic needs of the industry in general, these elements should seek to compliment and engage each other, in fact, collaboration is imperative, Dr. Chopard expresses a priori. “The cooperation of future employers is indispensable in the preparation of the product, so that it is capable of providing the expected services. The need for close relations between training establishments and the hotel and catering industry seems obvious,” Dr. Chopard says. The author reveals some flaws in hospitality marketing strategy, and then contrasts these against how a successful strategy could/should be implemented.

Identity, Ideology, and Cinema: Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed. This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past. The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.