833 resultados para Welfare institutions for laborers


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In a recent policy document of the organized employers in the care and welfare sector in The Netherlands (the MO Group), directors and board members of care and welfare institutions present themselves as "social entrepreneurs", managing their institutions as look-a like commercial companies. They are hardly criticized and there is not any countervailing power of significance. The workers are focusing on their own specialized professional fields and divided as a whole. Many government officials are in favour or do not bother. The relatively small number of intellectual workers in Dutch care and welfare are fragmented and pragmatic. From a democratic point of view this is a worrying situation. From a professional point of view the purpose and functions of professional care and welfare work are at stake. The penetration of market mechanisms and the take-over by commercially orientated managers result from unquestioned adaptation of Anglo-Saxon policy in The Netherlands in the 1990's, following the crisis of the Welfare State in the late 1980's. The polder country is now confronted fully with the pressure and negative effects of unbalanced powers in the institutions, i.e. Managerialism. After years of silence, the two principal authentic critics of Dutch care and welfare, Harry Kunneman and Andries Baart, are no longer voices crying in the wilderness, but are getting a response from a growing number of worried workers and intellectuals. Kunneman and Baart warn against the restriction of professional space and the loss of normative values and standards in the profession. They are right. It is high time to make room for criticism and to start a debate about the future of the social professions in The Netherlands, better: in Europe. Research, discussion and action have to prove how worrying the everyday situation of professional workers is, what goals have to be set and what strategy to be chosen.

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I. The scope of the inquiry.--II. Public welfare, with recommendations for an emergency relief tax.--III. The tax structure.--v. Administration of public welfare institutions.--VI. Housing.--VII. Department of public safety.--VIII. Revenue collection procedures.--IX. Supplementary tax recommendations.--X. City manager governmen and proportional representation.--XI. Office space requirements of state departments.--XII. Administration of fiscal affairs.--XIII. The Metropolitan district commission.--XIV. The Police department of the Metropolitan district commission.--XV. The civil service system of the commonwealth. Section I. Civil service laws, rules and regulations. Section II. Problems of organization and administration. 2 v.--XVI. Summary and final report.

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Description based on: 2nd (1902).

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Tiivistelmä TURUN YLIOPISTO Oikeustieteellinen tiedekunta Perhe-oikeus VALJAKKA EEVA: Vain lakiko lasta suojelee? Väitöskirja, 219 s. Kesäkuu 2016 Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan suomalaisen lastensuojelulainsäädännön pitkän ai- kavälin kehitystä 1800-luvun lopulta 2010-luvulle. Tavoitteena on selvittää, mil- lä tavoin lasten suojelun tarvetta on lastensuojelulakeja säädettäessä määritelty ja millaisin keinoin julkinen valta on suojellut lapsia. Tutkimuksessa luodaan myös yleisemmin kuvaa siitä, millaista keskustelua lastensuojelun yhteiskunnallisesta tehtävästä, yksityisen ja julkisen hyvinvointivastuun jakautumisesta sekä julkisen vallan perheen yksityisyyteen puuttuvien toimien tarpeellisuudesta ja oikeutukses- ta on eri aikoina käyty. Tutkimuksessa lastensuojelun käsitettä käytetään sekä laa- jemmassa (Child Welfare) että suppeammassa (Child Protection) merkityksessä. Tutkimus on lapsi- ja oikeuspoliittinen puheenvuoro, jossa lastensuojelun institutionaalisia kehityskulkuja tarkastellaan yhteiskunnassa sosioekonomisesti heikoimmassa asemassa olevan lapsiväestön ja lastensuojelun asiakkaiksi valikoi- tuvien lasten näkökulmasta. Tutkimusote on ongelmalähtöinen ja yhteyshakuinen siten, että tutkimuskysymyksiä tarkastellaan monitieteisesti hallinto- ja sosiaalioi- keudellisessa viitekehyksessä. Tutkimus osoittaa, että tarkasteltaessa lastensuojelua käsitteen suppeam- massa merkityksessä lastensuojeluinstituution rakenteet kuten lasten suojelutar- peen määrittely, suojelun keinot ja lastensuojelulain julkilausutut tavoitteet ovat pysyneet lähes samankaltaisina aina ensimmäisen lastensuojelulain (1936) säätä- misestä lukien. Tarkasteltaessa lastensuojelua käsitteen laajemmassa merkityksessä voidaan lastensuojelussa nähdä tapahtuneen muutoksia. Vähitellen hyvinvointivaltion laajentuessa lastensuojelua koskeva ymmärrys muuttui yhä moniulotteisemmak- si. Lastensuojelu merkitsi 1960-luvulle tultaessa laajaa lapsiväestön hyvinvointia turvaavaa yhteiskuntapoliittista ohjelmaa. Myös sosiaalipolitiikan suunnanmuutos 1990-luvulla ja sen myötä julkisen vallan vastuun kaventaminen merkitsivät muu- tosta lastensuojelussa. Monille yhteiskunnan eri osa-aluille ulottuvien perheiden ja lasten hyvinvointia tavoittelevien politiikkaohjelmien ja niiden toteuttamispyrki- mysten sijaan lastensuojelu kaventui niin käsitteenä kuin käytännön toimintanakin tarkoittamaan lähes yksinomaan sosiaalihuollon erityispalvelua eli lapsi- ja perhe- kohtaista lastensuojelua. Asiasanat: Lastensuojelu, lastensuojelulainsäädäntö, historiallinen kehitys, oikeu- dellinen sääntely, hyvinvointivaltio.

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History of child and social welfare in the State of Iowa including legal responsibilities, rules and regulations, inspections and licensing and supervision. it also covers cooperation with state agencies. It also describes in detail the histories, functions and problems of individual welfare homes and schools.

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This paper re-examines the import of Rawls’s theory of justice for private sector institutions in the face of the decline of the welfare state. The argument is based on a Rawlsian conception of justice as the establishment of a basic structure of society that guarantees a fair distribution of primary goods. We propose that the decline of the welfare state witnessed in Western countries over the past forty years prompts a reassessment of the boundaries of the basic structure in order to include additional corporate institutions. A discussion centered on the primary good of self-respect, but extensible to power and prerogatives as well as income and wealth, examines how the legislator should intervene in private sector institutions to counterbalance any unfairness that results from the decline of the welfare state.

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A chapter linking universities and welfare states to permanent financial austerity can take a shorter or a longer historical perspective. This chapter looks further back (to the postwar expansion of European welfare states) to better understand future transformations of both public institutions. Their long-term sustainability problems did not start with the financial crisis of 2008 but have been growing since the 1970s (Schäfer and Streeck 2013; Bonoli and Natali 2012; Hay and Wincott 2012). Financial austerity is not a post-crisis phenomenon. As a concept, it was used in welfare state research at least a decade earlier, although it does not seem to have been used in higher education studies until recently. Two quotations bring us to the heart of the matter: welfare states and universities are currently changing under adverse financial conditions caused by an array of interrelating and mutually reinforcing forces and their long-term financial sustainability is at stake across Europe. The welfare state is a “particular trademark of the European social model” (Svallfors 2012: 1), “the jewel in the crown” and a “fundamental part of what Europe stands for” (Giddens 2006: 14), as are tuition-free universities, the cornerstone of intergenerational social mobility in Continental Europe. The past trajectories of major types of welfare states and of universities in Europe tend to go hand in hand: first vastly expanding following the Second World War, and especially in the 1960s and 1970s, and then being in the state of permanent resource-driven and legitimacy-based “crisis” in the last two decades. Welfare states and universities, two critically important public institutions, seem to be under heavy attacks from the public, the media and politicians. Their long-term sustainability is being questioned, and solutions to their (real and perceived) problems are being sought at global, European, and national levels.

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Comunicação apresentada na "Second Biennial Conference of the Standing Group on Regulation and Governance do ECPR Regulation & Governance, com o tema: (Re)Regulation in the Wake of Neoliberalism’ Consequences of Three Decades of Privatization and Market Liberalization, realizada na Universidade de Utrecht, the Netherlands, de 5 a 7 de Junho de 2008.

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In this study we examine the role of institutions in shaping inter-generational mobility behavior. Research has traditionally emphasized the role of educational systems but cummulative evidence suggests that variations in their design offer only a very limited explanation for observed mobility differences. We examine the impact of welfare states and, in particular, how early childhood and family policies may influence the impact of economic and cultural characteristics of origin families on child outcomes.

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Trust in public institutions and public policies are generally perceived as a precondition for economic recovery in times of recession. Recent empirical evidence tends to find a positive link between decentralization and trust. But our knowledge about whether decentralization – through increased trust – improves the perception of the delivery and effectiveness of public policies is still limited. In this paper we estimate the impact of fiscal and political decentralization on the perception of the state of the education system and of health services, by using the 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008 waves of the European social survey. The analysis of the views of 160,000 individuals in 31 European countries indicates that while the effect of fiscal decentralization on the perception of the state of the health and education system is limited, political decentralization clearly affects citizen’s satisfaction with education and health delivery. The influence of political decentralization, however, is highly contingent on whether we consider the capacity of the local or regional government to exercise authority over its citizens (self-rule) or to influence policy at the national level (shared-rule). Keywords: Education, health, satisfaction, fiscal and political decentralization, Europe. JEL codes: H11, H77

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Cette thèse doctorale étudie le rôle de la citoyenneté Suisse et le modèle libérale de l'Etat social dans la production du racisme institutionnel au sein des services sociaux en Suisse. Cette thèse pose la question comment le régime de la citoyenneté Suisse rend possible et contraint les travailleurs sociaux à racialiser et discriminer leur clients avec des différences culturelles alors que les normes de l'aide sociale (normes de CSIAS) ne prévoient pas des traitements différentialistes selon la culture ou l'origine. Le modèle théorique du racisme institutionnel développé se passe sur une approche néo- institutionaliste et des ethnie and racial studies, prenant en compte le niveau individuel, collectif et institutionnel. En incluant ces deux approches, on dépasse le déterminisme des structuralistes dans les études sur le racisme institutionnel. Cette recherche qualitative montre que les travailleurs sociaux utilisent les ressources de la citoyenneté Suisse, de l'Etat social Suisse et leur expériences personnelles quand ils interagissent avec des clients. En plus, cette thèse démontre que le workfare logique en combinaison avec l'idée de l'assimilation culturelle rend possible la production d'un discours sur la nécessité de mériter d'être un membre de la communauté nationale et d'accéder à l'aide sociale. Cette compréhension néo-libérale de la citoyenneté renforce et légitime les travailleurs sociaux de racialiser et pratiquer la discrimination à l'égard de leurs clients et les rend incapable de développer une réflexivité critique. Toutefois, cette thèse montre également que les travailleurs sociaux produisent du travail social interculturel s'ils ont pu développer une telle réflexivité critique dans les institutions de l'aide sociale qui mettent en avant une conception "individuelle" de l'aide sociale.-Cette thèse vise à aller au-delà du silence qui constitue les débats publiques et la recherche sur le racisme au sein des institutions publiques en Suisse. - This thesis questions the role of the Swiss citizenship regime and the Swiss liberal social welfare model in the production of institutional racism in social services in Switzerland. Considering the absence of intercultural formal guidelines in the norms of social welfare (SKOS norms), this research investigates how the Swiss citizenship regime constrains and enables social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients with cultural differences. This thesis develops a model of institutional racism, taking into account ethnic and racial studies and a neo-institutionalist approach on institutions, addressing the individual, collective and institutional level. In this framework, this thesis allows to overcome the structuralist determinism in the studies on institutional racism. Based on a qualitative inquiry, this research shows that social workers use the resources from the Swiss citizenship regime, social welfare model and their personal experiences when they interact with their clients. This study also shows that the workfare logic in combination with the idea of cultural assimilation enables to produce a discourse on deserving social welfare and earning membership to the national community. This neo-liberal citizenship understanding reinforces and legitimises social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients and hinders them to develop critical reflexivity. However, this thesis also shows that social workers are able to produce intercultural social work when they could develop such a reflexivity in social services with an "individual" social welfare conceptions. This thesis aims to go beyond a persisting silence regarding public debates and research on racism in public institutions in Switzerland.