29 resultados para Waterford


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Bibliography: p. 116-117.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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[1] Union: Clogher/Counties: Monaghan & Tyrone -- [2] Union: Castlerea/Counties: Roscommon & Mayo -- [3] Union: Castletowndelvin/Counties: Meath & Westmeath -- [4] Union: Cootehill/County: Cavan -- [5] Union: Clifton/County: Galway, in which is included the Island of Inishbofin in the County of Mayo -- [6] Union: Claremorris/County: Mayo -- [7] Union: Cootehill/County: Managhan -- [8] Union: Clones/(Part of) County: Monaghan -- [9] Union: Ardee/Counties: Louth & Meath -- [10] Union: Bailieborough/County: Cavan -- [11] Union: Ballina/Counties: Mayo & Sligo -- [12] Union: Ballinasloe/County: Roscommon -- [13] Union: Ballinrobe/County: Mayo -- [14] Union: Ballymahon/Counties: Longford & Westmeath -- [15] Union: Ballymahon/County: Westmeath -- [16] Union: Ballyshannon/County: Donegal -- [17] Union: Ballyshannon/County: Leitrim -- [18] Union: Ballyvaghan/County: Clare -- [19] Union: Baltinglass/County: Wicklow -- [20] Unions: Bandon & Kinsale/County: Cork -- [21] Union: Bawnboy/County: Cavan -- [22] Union: Bawnboy/County: Leitrim -- [23] Union: Belmullet/County: Mayo -- [24] Union: Carrick-on-Shannon/County: Roscommon -- [25] Union: Carrickmacross/County: Monaghan -- [26] Union: Castlebar/County: Mayo -- [27] Union: Castleblayney (part of)/County: Monaghan -- [28] Union: Corrofin/County: Clare -- [29] Barony: Upper Deece/County: Meath -- [30] Barony: Cork/County: Cork -- [31] Barony: Coshmore & Coshbride/County: Waterford -- [32] Barony: Trough/County: Monaghan -- [33] Union: Donegal/County: Donegal -- [34] Union: Drogheda/Counties: Louth & Meath -- [35] Union: Dromore, West/County: Sligo -- [36] Union: Dunfanaghy/County: Donegal -- [37] Unions: Cahersiveen, Kenmare, and Killarney/County: Kerry -- [38] Barony: Dunkerron South/County: Kerry -- [39] Union: Dunshaughlin/County: Meath -- [40] Union: Edenderry/County: Meath -- [41] Union: Edenderry/County: Kildare -- [42] Union: Edenderry/King's County -- [43] Union: Enniskillen/County: Cavan -- [44] Union: Ennistimon/County: Clare -- [45] Barony: Glenahiry/County: Waterford -- [46] Union: Gort/Counties: Galway & Clare -- [47] Union: Granard/County: Longford -- [48] Union: Granard/County: Westmeath -- [49] Barony: Iffa & Offa West/County: Tipperary -- [50] Barony: Imokilly/County: Cork -- [51] Union: Kells/County: Meath -- [52] Barony: Kenry/County: Limerick -- [53] Barony: Kerrycurrihy/County: Cork -- [54] Barony: Kilculliheen/County: Waterford -- [55] Union: Killadysert/County: Clare -- [56] Union: Killala/County: Mayo -- [57] Union: Letterkenny/County: Donegal -- [58] Union: Limerick/County: Limerick -- [59] Union: Longford/County: Longford -- [60] Barony: Magunihy/County: Kerry -- [61] Unions: Mallow & Cork/County: Cork -- [62] Union: Manorhamilton/County: Leitrim -- [63] Union: Millford/County: Donegal -- [64] Union: Mountbellew/County: Galway -- [65] Union: Naas/County: Wicklow -- [66] Union: Navan/County: Meath -- [67] Union: Newport/County: Mayo -- [68] Union: Oldcastle/County: Meath -- [69] Barony: Upper Ormond/County: Tipperary, North Riding -- [70] Barony: Orrery & Kilmore/County: Cork -- [71] Union: Oughterard/ Counties: Galway & Mayo together with that portion of the Union of Ballinrobe in the County of Galway -- [72] Union: Portumna/County: Galway -- [73] Barony: Rathdown/County: Wicklow -- [74] Barony: Salt/County: Kildare -- [75] Barony: South Salt/County: Kildare -- [76] Union: Scarriff/Counties: Clare & Galway -- [77] Union: Shillelagh/County: Wicklow -- [78] Union: Stranorlar/County: Donegal -- [79] Union: Tobercurry/County: Sligo -- [80] Union: Trim/County: Meath -- [81] Barony: Trughanacmy/County: Kerry -- [82] Barony: Upperthird/County: Waterford -- [83] Union: Wexford/County: Wexford -- [84] Barony: Castleknock/County: Dublin -- [85] Barony: Balrothery, East/County: Dublin -- [86] Barony: Newcastle/County: Dublin -- [87] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, Arran Quay Ward -- [88] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Fitzwilliam Ward -- [89] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, Inns Quay Ward -- [90] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Mansion House Ward -- [91] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Merchants' Quay Ward -- [92] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, Mountjoy Ward -- [93] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, North Dock Ward -- [94] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, North City Ward -- [95] City of Dublin, North Dublin Union, Rotundo Ward -- [96] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Royal Exchange Ward -- [97] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, South City Ward -- [98] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, South Dock Ward -- [99] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Trinity Ward -- [100] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Usher's Quay Ward -- [101] City of Dublin, South Dublin Union, Wood Quay Ward.

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Frederick Douglas was a reader of and writer on the nineteenth-century political and social texts and contexts of oppression, which he experienced at home and witnesed while in Ireland and Britain, 1845-47. This thesis is unique in its identification of several surprising lacunae in the research and critical evaluation of Frederick Douglass’ activities of reading and writing and the texts and contexts that supported these activities. This thesis takes Douglass’ relationship with Ireland and the Irish as its starting point, and offers several moments in the transnational space engendered by Douglass’ readerly and writerly experience of the transatlantic axes of Ireland, Britain and America. This thesis draws upon archival research to recover information regarding Douglass’ trip and subjects his reading and writing on Ireland and the Irish to the critical rigours of narratolgical, cultural and discourse analysis. One lacuna is Douglass’ favourite and neglected school primer, the Columbian Orator, which Douglass signified upon across his autobiographical project. The speech by the Irish patriot and exile, Arthur O’Connor, included in the Orator, is crucial to Douglass’ understanding and expression of justice and equality. Genette’s narratological analysis gives theoretical traction to the ways in which, in his autobiographical representations of his British trip, Douglass recalibrates his autobiographies to reflect his changing perspectives on his life and work. Contrary to popular assumptions, Douglass did, in two letters to Garrison address and comment on Irish poverty. This thesis interrogates the strategic anglophilia of these letters. While the World’s Temperance Convention (WTC) refused to discuss African- American slavery, analysis of Douglass’ speech in Covent Garden and of the paratextual apparatus of the published proceedings of the WTC demonstrates the impossibility of separating these closely interrelated reform causes. When a newly discovered poem from Waterford that admonished the city for its disregard for Douglass’ message is juxtaposed with an uncomfortable moment in Cork, we understand that Douglass became a pawn to bolster sectarian rivalries between nationalist and establishment factions. Though Douglass believed imperial politics was the best vehicle for modernity, he recognised that it had failed Ireland: consequently, in Thoughts and Recollections of a Trip to Ireland (1886), he advocates for Home Rule for Ireland.

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Féachann an tráchtas seo le solas a chaitheamh ar an amhránaíocht mar a chleachtaítí agus mar a chleactaítear fós i gcontae Phort Láirge í. Ardaítear ann ceisteanna a bhaineann le seachadadh agus le sealbhú na n-amhrán I measc an phobail i gceantar na nDéise sa tréimhse c.1750-1960, ó aimsir Sheáin Chláraigh go dtí an ré sin ina raibh Nioclás Tóibín, ‘rí-amhránaí Éireann’, ar bhuaic a réime. Cuirtear spéis anseo i bhfás agus i dteacht chun cinn an Rómánsachais agus (a leathchúpla) an náisiúnachais ar Mhór-roinn na hEorpa in earr an 18ú haois agus amach san 19ú haois; ar thionchar na ngluaiseachtaí sin i bhfad ó bhaile ar Éirinn i gcoitinne san aimsir úd; orthu sin a raibh díolamaí amhrán á gcur in eagar acu in Éirinn san 19ú agus amach san 20ú haois; agus, ar deireadh, ar an stór amhrán mar atá le clos inniu I measc na ndaoine i nGaeltacht na Déise.

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There has been private sector involvement in the delivery of public services in the Irish State since its foundation. This involvement was formalised in 1998 when Public Private Partnership (PPP) was officially introduced. Ireland is a latecomer to PPP and, prior to the credit crisis, was seen as a ‘rapid follower’ relying primarily on the UK PPP model in the procurement of infrastructure in transport, education, housing/urban regeneration and water/wastewater.  PPP activity in Ireland stalled during the credit crisis, and some projects were cancelled, but it has taken off again recently with part of the Infrastructure and Capital Investment Plan 2016 – 2021 to be delivered through PPP showing continuing political commitment to PPP.  Ireland’s interest in PPP cannot be explained by economic rationale alone, as PPP was initiated during a period of prosperity. We consider three alternative explanations: voluntary adoption – where the UK model was closely followed; coercive adoption – where PPP policy was forced upon Ireland; and institutional isomorphism – where institutional creation and change was promoted to aid public sector organisations in gaining institutional legitimacy. We find evidence of all three patterns, with coercive adoption becoming more relevant in recent years. Ireland’s rapid uptake of PPP differs from other European countries, mostly because when PPP was introduced in 1998, the Irish State was in an economic position where it could have directly procured necessary infrastructure. This paper therefore asks why PPP was adopted and how this adoption pattern has affected the sustainability of PPP in Ireland.  This paper defines PPP; examines the background to the PPP approach adopted in Ireland; outlines the theoretical framework of the paper: transfer theory and institutional theory; discusses the methodology; reports on findings and gives conclusions.   

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The Private Finance Initiative (PFI) has become one of the UK’s most contentious public policies. Despite New Labour’s advocacy of PFI as a means of achieving better value for money, criticisms of PFI have centred on key issues such as a lack of cost effectiveness, exaggerated pricing of risk transfers, excessive private sector profits, inflexibility and cumbersome administrative arrangements. Nevertheless, PFI has persisted as a key
infrastructure procurement method in the UK and has been supported as such by successive governments, as well as influencing policy in the Republic of Ireland and other European Nations. This paper explores this paradoxical outcome in relation to the role played in the UK by the National Audit Office (NAO). Under pressure to justify its support for PFI, the Blair government sought support for its policies by encouraging the NAO to investigate issues relating to PFI as well as specific PFI projects. It would have been expected that in fulfilling its role as independent auditor, the NAO would have examined whether PFI projects could have been delivered more efficiently, effectively or economically through other means. Yet, in line with earlier research, we find evidence that the NAO failed to comprehensively assess
key issues such as the value for money of PFI projects, and in so doing effectively acted as a legitimator of PFI policy. Using concepts relating to legitimacy theory and the idea of framing, our paper looks into 67 NAO private finance reports published between 1997 and 2011, with the goal of identifying the preferences, values and ideology underpinning the
NAO’s view on PFI during this period. Our analysis suggests that the NAO sought to legitimise existing PFI practices via a selective framing of problems and questions. Utilising a longitudinal approach, our analysis further suggests that this patterns of selective framing persisted over an extended time period during which fundamental parameters of the policy (such as contract length, to name one of the most important issues) were rarely addressed.
Overall the NAO’ supportive stance toward PFI seems to have relied on 1) a focused on positive aspects of PFI, such as on time delivery or lessons learned, and 2) positive comments on aspects of PFI that were criticised elsewhere, such as the lack of flexibility of underlying contractual arrangements. Our paper highlights the possibility that, rather than providing for a critical assessment of existing policies, national auditing bodies can
contribute to the creation of legitimatory environments. In terms of accounting research we would suggests that the objectivity and independence of accounting watchdogs should not be taken for granted, and that instead a critical investigation of the biases which can characterise these bodies can contribute to a deeper understanding of the nature of lobbying networks in the modern state.

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Over the last thirty years, there has been an increased demand for better management of public sector organisations (PSOs). This requires that they are answerable for the inputs that they are given but also for what they achieve with these inputs (Hood 1991; Hood 1995). It is suggested that this will improve the management of the organisation through better planning and control, and the achievement of greater accountability (Smith 1995). However, such a rational approach with clear goals and the means to measure achievement can cause difficulties for many PSOs. These difficulties include the distinctive nature of the public sector due to the political environment within which the public sector manager operates (Stewart and Walsh 1992) and the fact that PSOs will have many stakeholders, each of whom will have their own specific objectives based on their own perspective (Boyle 1995). This can
result in goal ambiguity which means that there is leeway in interpreting the results of the PSO. The National Asset Management Agency (NAMA) was set up to bring stability to the financial system by buying loans from the banks (which were in most cases, non-performing loans). The intention was to cleanse the banks of these loans so that they could return to their normal business of taking deposits and making loans. However, the legislation, also gave NAMA a wide range of other responsibilities including responsibility for facilitating credit in the economy and protecting the interests of taxpayers. In more recent times, NAMA has been given responsibility for building social housing. This wide-range of activities is a clear example of a PSO being given multiple goals which may conflict and is therefore likely to lead to goal ambiguity. This makes it very difficult to evaluate NAMA’s performance as they are attempting to meet numerous goals at the same time and also highlights the complexity of policy making in the public sector. The purpose of this paper is to examine how NAMA dealt with goal ambiguity. This will be done through a thematic analysis of its annual reports over the last five years. The paper’s will contribute to the ongoing debate about the evaluation of PSOs and the complex environment within which they operate which makes evaluation difficult as they are
answerable to multiple stakeholders who have different objectives and different criteria for measuring success.