Violencia e invisibilidad indígena : La cuestión de los pueblos originarios durante el primer peronismo

El presente trabajo busca profundizar en el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre el primer gobierno peronista y la cuestión indígena, centrándose en las políticas gubernamentales desarrolladas por el gobierno de Perón frente a dos fuertes conflictos violentos que tuvieron lugar entre 1946 y 1947: el "Malón de la paz", la movilización indígena llevada a cabo entre mayo y agosto de 1947, cuando 174 kollas caminaron 2000 kilómetros desde la Puna y el valle de Orán hasta la Capital Federal para reclamar por la titularidad de sus tierras, en manos de terratenientes y en denuncia de las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajaban; y "Masacre de Rincón Bomba", el conflicto desarrollado en una pequeña localidad de Formosa, cuando indígenas de comunidades wichi, tobas y principalmente pilagás fueron masacradas por la Gendarmería Nacional en un confuso episodio, que sale a la luz hace pocos años. El objetivo en ambos puntos es doble: por un lado analizar la relación entre los intereses e intenciones del gobierno de Juan Domingo Perón para con las comunidades originarias, visibilizando su existencia y sus condiciones de vida en tanto sujetos de derechos históricamente vulnerados. Por otro, abrir el debate historiográfico sobre el quehacer de los historiadores respecto de una temática que ha sido silenciada durante décadas, negando la existencia y la identidad de los pueblos originarios

Violencia e invisibilidad indígena : La cuestión de los pueblos originarios durante el primer peronismo

El presente trabajo busca profundizar en el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre el primer gobierno peronista y la cuestión indígena, centrándose en las políticas gubernamentales desarrolladas por el gobierno de Perón frente a dos fuertes conflictos violentos que tuvieron lugar entre 1946 y 1947: el "Malón de la paz", la movilización indígena llevada a cabo entre mayo y agosto de 1947, cuando 174 kollas caminaron 2000 kilómetros desde la Puna y el valle de Orán hasta la Capital Federal para reclamar por la titularidad de sus tierras, en manos de terratenientes y en denuncia de las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajaban; y "Masacre de Rincón Bomba", el conflicto desarrollado en una pequeña localidad de Formosa, cuando indígenas de comunidades wichi, tobas y principalmente pilagás fueron masacradas por la Gendarmería Nacional en un confuso episodio, que sale a la luz hace pocos años. El objetivo en ambos puntos es doble: por un lado analizar la relación entre los intereses e intenciones del gobierno de Juan Domingo Perón para con las comunidades originarias, visibilizando su existencia y sus condiciones de vida en tanto sujetos de derechos históricamente vulnerados. Por otro, abrir el debate historiográfico sobre el quehacer de los historiadores respecto de una temática que ha sido silenciada durante décadas, negando la existencia y la identidad de los pueblos originarios

Struggles for Citizenship in South Africa

South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.

Rightful Resistance in the Colombian conflict. A theoretical reflection based on a Peace Community

This article considers the opportunities of civilians to peacefully resist violent conflicts or civil wars. The argument developed here is based on a field-based research on the peace community San José de Apartadó in Colombia. The analytical and theoretical framework, which delimits the use of the term ‘resistance’ in this article, builds on the conceptual considerations of Hollander and Einwohner (2004) and on the theoretical concept of ‘rightful resistance’ developed by O’Brien (1996). Beginning with a conflict-analytical classification of the case study, we will describe the long-term socio-historical processes and the organizational experiences of the civilian population, which favoured the emergence of this resistance initiative. The analytical approach to the dimensions and aims of the resistance of this peace community leads to the differentiation of O`Brian’s concept of ‘rightful resistance’.

Turning conflict into coexistence: cross-cutting ties and institutions in the agro-pastoral borderlands of Lake Naivasha basin, Kenya

The Maasai/Kikuyu agro-pastoral borderlands of Maiella and Enoosupukia, located in the hinterlands of Lake Naivasha’s agro-industrial hub, are particularly notorious in the history of ethnicised violence in the Kenya’s Rift Valley. In October 1993, an organised assault perpetrated by hundreds of Maasai vigilantes, with the assistance of game wardens and administration police, killed more than 20 farmers of Kikuyu descent. Consequently, thousands of migrant farmers were violently evicted from Enoosupukia at the instigation of leading local politicians. Nowadays, however, intercommunity relations are surprisingly peaceful and the cooperative use of natural resources is the rule rather than the exception. There seems to be a form of reorganization. Violence seems to be contained and the local economy has since recovered. This does not mean that there is no conflict, but people seem to have the facility to solve them peacefully. How did formerly violent conflicts develop into peaceful relations? How did competition turn into cooperation, facilitating changing land use? This dissertation explores the value of cross-cutting ties and local institutions in peaceful relationships and the non-violent resolution of conflicts across previously violently contested community boundaries. It mainly relies on ethnographic data collected between 2014 and 2015. The discussion therefore builds on several theoretical approaches in anthropology and the social sciences – that is, violent conflicts, cross-cutting ties and conflicting loyalties, joking relationships, peace and nonviolence, and institutions, in order to understand shared spaces that are experiencing fairly rapid social and economic changes, and characterised by conflict and coexistence. In the researched communities, cross-cutting ties and the split allegiances associated with them result from intermarriages, land transactions, trade, and friendship. By institutions, I refer to local peace committees, an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and Nyumba Kumi, a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. In 2010, the state “implanted” these grassroots-level institutions and conferred on them the rights to handle specific conflicts and to prevent crime. I argue that the studied groups utilise diverse networks of relationships as adaptive responses to landlessness, poverty, and socio-political dynamics at the local level. Material and non-material exchanges and transfers accompany these social and economic ties and networks. In addition to being instrumental in nurturing a cohesive social fabric, I argue that such alliances could be thought of as strategies of appropriation of resources in the frontiers – areas that are considered to have immense agricultural potential and to be conducive to economic enterprise. Consequently, these areas are continuously changed and shaped through immigration, population growth, and agricultural intensification. However, cross-cutting ties and intergroup alliances may not necessarily prevent the occurrence or escalation of conflicts. Nevertheless, disputes and conflicts, which form part of the social order in the studied area, create the opportunities for locally contextualised systems of peace and non-violence that inculcate the values of cooperation, coexistence, and restraint from violence. Although the neo-traditional institutions (local peace committees and Nyumba Kumi) face massive complexities and lack the capacity to handle serious conflicts, their application of informal constraints in dispute resolution provides room for some optimism. Notably, the formation of ties and alliances between the studied groups, and the use of local norms and values to resolve disputes, are not new phenomena – they are reminiscent of historical patterns. Their persistence, particularly in the context of Kenya, indicates a form of historical continuity, which remains rather “undisturbed” despite the prevalence of ethnicised political economies. Indeed, the formation of alliances, which are driven by mutual pursuit of commodities (livestock, rental land, and agricultural produce), markets, and diversification, tends to override other identities. While the major thrust of social science literature in East Africa has focused on the search for root causes of violence, very little has been said about the conditions and practices of cooperation and non-violent conflict resolution. In addition, situations where prior violence turned into peaceful interaction have attracted little attention, though the analysis of such transitional phases holds the promise of contributing to applicable knowledge on conflict resolution. This study is part of a larger multidisciplinary project, “Resilience in East African Landscapes” (REAL), which is a Marie Curie Actions Innovative Training Networks (ITN) project. The principal focus of this multidisciplinary project is to study past, present, and future thresholds and sustainable trajectories in human-landscape interactions in East Africa over the last millennia. While other individual projects focus on long-term ecosystem dynamics and societal interactions, my project examines human-landscape interactions in the present and the very recent past (i.e. the period in which events and processes were witnessed or can still be recalled by today’s population). The transition from conflict to coexistence and from competition to cooperative use of previously violently contested land resources is understood here as enhancing adaptation in the face of social-political, economic, environmental, and climatic changes. This dissertation is therefore a contribution to new modes of resilience in human-landscape interactions after a collapse situation.

Degradación ambiental y conflictos armados: las conexiones

"La seguridad ambiental es un concepto complejo que puede ser analizado desde varios enfoques. La conexión entre degradación ambiental, escasez de recursos, poco desarrollo económico e inestabilidad política puede generar rápidamente conflictos llamados ambientales, terrorismo ecológico y guerras verdes. Sin embargo, en la mayoría de las investigaciones sobre degradación ambiental y conflictos armados no se tienen en cuenta los factores desarrollo económico y régimen político, pues se considera que los problemas ambientales pueden, por sí solos, conducir a situaciones conflictivas nacionales, regionales e internacionales. En este contexto, los propósitos de este artículo son plantear las diferentes tendencias ideológicas de la seguridad ambiental, definir el contenido y las causas de los conflictos ambientales y proponer un marco analítico complementario que incluya las variables políticas y económicas como generadoras de conflictos ambientales y de conflictos armados de alta intensidad. Al final, se propone una agenda de investigación en materia de seguridad ambiental para Colombia."

Incorporant els actors i el conflicte violent a la literatura sobre la migració forçosa: un model de la decisió de retornar

El desplaçament de poblacions a causa de conflictes violents s’ha convertit en una de les principals preocupacions humanitàries de les últimes dècades. També s’ha convertit en un assumpte polític de gran rellevància, que és percebut com un llast (en termes econòmics i de seguretat), però també com a peça important en la transició cap a un intervencionisme més gran en el sistema internacional, tant des d’una base humanitària com de seguretat. La importància d’aquests aspectes ha desviat l’atenció de l’anàlisi de les interaccions entre els processos de desplaçament i els conflictes violents que els provoquen. La literatura sobre els conflictes violents ha obviat aquestes interaccions, degut principalment a que els processos de desplaçament són considerats com meres reaccions definides per condicions estructurals. Aquest article parteix de la premissa que l’individu reté la seva capacitat decisiva en aquests processos i que es tracta d’una capacitat que té conseqüències. Per tant, és necessari introduir en l’anàlisi una perspectiva a nivell micro. Partint d’aquesta premissa, el text presenta un model de la decisió de retorn a nivell individual i també a nivell agregat. A més, permet identificar interconnexions fonamentals d’aquestes dinàmiques amb els conflictes violents. Finalment, l’article ofereix algunes conclusions rellevants per al cas de Bòsnia-Herzegovina i sobre les implicacions de la politització del retorn.

Bringing actors and violent conflict into forced migration literature. A model of the decision to return

Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return.

Territorial autonomy and self-determination conflicts: opportunity and willingness cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand

The paradox of autonomy is about whether self-rule accommodates or exacerbates armed conflict. This study attempts to unpack the puzzle examining the effectiveness of territorial autonomy as a state response to self-determination conflicts throughout the world. It challenges the conflict-inducing features of autonomy arguing that territorial autonomy can mitigate armed conflict by channeling group grievances into peaceful forms of protest. Thus, this study aims at arriving at a comprehensive theory that identifies which factors are responsible for violent escalation of conflicts grounded in self-determination demands. By using the concepts of opportunity structures and willingness dimension, this study shows that conflict escalation only takes place when minorities with greater bargaining power vis-à-vis the center, in contexts of high levels of economic inequality within dyad, are mobilized around autonomy and separatist demands.

Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century World

In this groundbreaking book Christian Gerlach traces the social roots of the extraordinary processes of human destruction involved in mass violence throughout the twentieth century. He argues that terms such as 'genocide' and 'ethnic cleansing' are too narrow to explain the diverse motives and interests that cause violence to spread in varying forms and intensities. From killings and expulsions to enforced hunger, collective rape, strategic bombing, forced labour and imprisonment he explores what happened before, during, and after periods of widespread bloodshed in countries such as Armenia, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Nazi-occupied Greece and in anti-guerilla wars worldwide in order to highlight the crucial role of socio-economic pressures in the generation of group conflicts. By focussing on why so many different people participated in or supported mass violence, and why different groups were victimized, he offers us a new way of understanding one of the most disturbing phenomena of our times.

The challenges of safeguarding and securing cultural heritage materials during violent conflict in Nigeria.

Almost every community, country and continent is experiencing a form of conflict, war or disaster. These wars have claimed lives, antiquities, heritage materials, contemporary Arts, Galleries, Museums, Archives, Monuments andHeritage sites. The aim of this study is to explore the challenges of safeguarding cultural heritage material during violent conflict in Nigeria bearing in mind the two UNESCO world heritage sites in Nigeria: Sukur kingdom and Osun Oshogbo sacred Grove. The outcome of this study will help the policy makers to address the challenges of safeguarding cultural heritage materials in times of conflicts, bridge the gap on the existing literature concerning the safeguarding of cultural heritage materials in times of conflict and to make a modest contribution to the existing body of knowledge on cultural heritage protection in Nigeria in particular and other parts of the world in general. This study relies on both primary and secondary sources using questionnaire and oral interview to elicit information from selected relevant cultural agencies, journalists and scholars in the field of art and culture. Relevant literature and documents on the challenges of safeguarding and securing of cultural heritage materials during conflicts were reviewed. The data gathered from the questionnaires and the oral interview is presented in frequency tabular form to give precise and comprehensive insight into the study findings. Notable among the challenges were insecurity and lack of professionalism in the field of cultural heritage profession. The study also revealed that governments are not enforcing the global laws and conventions for the protection of cultural heritage materials in times of violent conflict. The communities where these materials are located have little or no knowledge about the import of these materials and do not take part in securing them in the event of conflict. It is crucial that we place high value on heritage materials since they are inextricably linked with our identity and where we come from. It is strongly recommended that Cultural Heritage Institutions should involve as much as possible the local communities living around the sites by creating awareness educating and encouraging them to take ownership of the Sites located within their communities. They must ensure that the site is safeguarded against all forms of threat. Items of heritage value are not often considered in most disaster management plans therefore there is the need to consider heritage as priority just as the protection of lives and property.

Internal and external time conflicts in adolescents: sleep characteristics and interventions

Daytime fatigue and lack of sleep seem to increase throughout adolescent years. Several environmental, psychological, and biological factors have been associated with the development of sleep across adolescence. The aim of the present article is to summarize these factors and to give examples of various outcomes in sleep patterns among adolescents studied in different cultural settings. It is obvious from earlier work that many adolescents have displaced circadian rhythms and lack of adaptation to school hours due to an early school start or additional burdens for work. Several interventions have aimed to help the adaptation process by supporting sleep processes and changing scheduling, in this way promoting classroom alertness. In summary, adolescents worldwide shorten their sleep due to schoolwork hours and additional work, especially by disturbing their sleep due to circadian misalignment

A questão social na França contemporânea: uma experiência de pesquisa

A França passou por conflitos urbanos em seus bairros populares. Incidentes com a polícia marcados pela morte de um morador, geralmente jovem ou adolescente, são seguidos por manifestações violentas: quebra-quebras, incêndios de carros e/ou estabelecimentos públicos e privados, enfrentamentos com a polícia. Nos conflitos da "banlieue" francesa podem ser percebidos elementos comuns a eventos ingleses e/ou americanos de outras décadas.OBJETIVO: consiste em identificar a percepção e as representações de moradores sobre suas condições de vida e saúde na França.MÉTODO: pesquisa qualitativa realizada em Les Aubiers, bairro popular de Bordeaux, nos anos de 2002 e 2005. A população de moradores desse bairro e é composta principalmente por imigrantes ou fanceses de origem estrangeira, provenientes de diferentes locais: África do Norte, África Sub-Sahariana, Turquia, Portugal , Ilha de Reunião. Os indicadores sociais e econômicos apresentam níveis significativamente mais baixos do que os de outros bairros de Bordeaux, acompanhando as tendências encontradas nas outras "banlieues". Entre esses indicadores, a taxa de desemprego, principalmente entre jovens, é alarmante (40 por cento).RESULTADOS E DISCUSSÃO: as políticas sociais deveriam ser mais voltadas para os indivíduos do que para o território, pois este só poderá ser transformado pelos primeiros e não o contrário. Um bairro e uma população estigmatizados, estão contemplados por uma ampla política social. Ainda que passível de crítica, não se pode ignorar a existência de esforços sistematicos de integração, nem a existência de políticas sociais. Se elas são inadequadas, trata-se de ampliar o espaço de discusão para sua reforma. Trata-se de saber qual a disposição das sociedades contemporâneas, como um todo, para lutar contra as inequidades e segregações

Demonic Possession and Exorcism in Early Modern France

This is a highly original study of possession by demons and their exorcism, which was rife in early modern times, focussing on the place where they were most prevalent, France. Catholics at the time believed that the devil was present everywhere, in the rise of the heretics, in the activities of witches, and even in the bodies of the pious young women. The rite of exorcism was intended to heal the possessed and show the power of the church - but it generated as many problems as it resolved. Possessed nuns endured frequently violent exorcisms, exorcists were suspected of conjuring devils, and possession itself came to be seen as a form of holiness, elevating several women to the status of living saints. Sarah Ferber offers a challenging study of one of the most intriguing phenomena of early modern Europe; looking also at the present day, it argues that early modern conflicts over the devil still carry an unexpected force and significance for western Christianity (from publisher).