861 resultados para Violence against women and girls
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The efforts States in our region have made to eradicate violence against women have seen substantial headway on a number of fronts over the past 20 years. This calls for a look at how individual governments have responded and the wide variety of strategies followed. In this report, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) follows up on the Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean commitment to analyse violence against women. It has been drafted by the Observatory’s participating agencies and organizations: the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women); the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the Ibero-American Secretariat (SEGIB) and the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID). The focus is on the situation across the region, progress in meeting international recommendations, national public policies, and constraints and challenges.
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Although globalization, through the communications revolution and international law, brings the promise of progressive social change, the concern of this paper is with the backlash against women’s increasing emancipation, a backlash that is evidenced in the United States through making a mockery of women’s bid for equality by turning the principles against some women whose lives are troubled while rewarding others. Meanwhile across the world the victimization of women, personal and cultural, is taking place in both democratic and totalitarian regimes. Two related forms of backlash are institutional and personal. That forces from the global market and the corporate media help fuel this backlash is a major contention of this paper.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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The goal of this study was to understand how and whether policy and practice relating to violence against women in Uganda, especially Uganda’s Domestic Violence Act of 2010, have had an effect on women’s beliefs and practices, as well as on support and justice for women who experience abuse by their male partners. Research used multi-sited ethnography at transnational, national, and local levels to understand the context that affects what policies are developed, how they are implemented, and how, and whether, women benefit from these. Ethnography within a local community situated global and national dynamics within the lives of women. Women who experience VAW within their intimate partnerships in Uganda confront a political economy that undermines their access to justice, even as a women’s rights agenda is working to develop and implement laws, policies, and interventions that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment. This dissertation provides insights into the daily struggles of women who try to utilize policy that challenges duty bearers, in part because it is a new law, but also because it conflicts with the structural patriarchy that is engrained in Ugandan society. Two explanatory models were developed. One explains factors relating to a woman’s decision to seek support or to report domestic violence. The second explains why women do and do not report DV. Among the findings is that a woman is most likely to report abuse under the following circumstances: 1) her own, or her children’s survival (physical or economic) is severely threatened; 2) she experiences severe physical abuse; or, 3) she needs financial support for her children. Research highlights three supportive factors for women who persist in reporting DV. These are: 1) the presence of an “advocate” or support 2) belief that reporting will be helpful; and, 3) lack of interest in returning to the relationship. This dissertation speaks to the role that anthropologists can play in a multi-disciplinary approach to a complex issue. This role is understanding – deeply and holistically; and, articulating knowledge generated locally that provides connections between what happens at global, national and local levels.
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Background: violence against women is a serious problem caused by the social construction of feminineness and masculineness that results in the domination of women by men. Public policies on gender have recently been developed in order to confront the problem. But what exactly are the problems faced by women? Purposes: to survey and analyse cases of violence against women reported to the police, as recorded at the Police Stations for Women`s Defence (PSWDs), and to reconstruct the procedures that women must go through in order to denounce their aggressors. Methodology: this quantitative, exploratory and descriptive study was undertaken during 2006-2007 in the city of Itapevi, Sao Paulo metropolitan region, Brazil. As there is no PSWD data were collected from police reports from PSWDs of neighbouring cities. Findings: malicious physical injury (49%) and threats (42%) were the most commonly reported types of violence. The victims were aged between 20 and 49 years (93%). Almost all of the aggressors (97%) were men and most had an intimate relationship with their victim. The use of alcoholic beverages was linked to approximately 25% of the cases. Conclusion: women who are victims of domestic violence in Itapevi report that going through PSWDs of neighbouring cities is a difficult, isolated, long and expensive process that often, provides no institutional protection. Implications for practice: there is an urgent requirement for judicial-assistance and support close to home in order to provide a quality service and follow-up for these women and their aggressors; to provide training for the professionals called to attend them at police stations; and for a caring attitude from health-care professionals.,0 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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OBJECTIVE To analyze the content of policies and action plans within the public healthcare system that addresses the issue of violence against women.METHODS A descriptive and comparative study was conducted on the health policies and plans in Catalonia and Costa Rica from 2005 to 2011. It uses a qualitative methodology with documentary analysis. It is classified by topics that describe and interpret the contents. We considered dimensions, such as principles, strategies, concepts concerning violence against women, health trends, and evaluations.RESULTS Thirteen public policy documents were analyzed. In both countries’ contexts, we have provided an overview of violence against women as a problem whose roots are in gender inequality. The strategies of gender policies that address violence against women are cultural exchange and institutional action within the public healthcare system. The actions of the healthcare sector are expanded into specific plans. The priorities and specificity of actions in healthcare plans were the distinguishing features between the two countries.CONCLUSIONS The common features of the healthcare plans in both the counties include violence against women, use of protocols, detection tasks, care and recovery for women, and professional self-care. Catalonia does not consider healthcare actions with aggressors. Costa Rica has a lower specificity in conceptualization and protocol patterns, as well as a lack of updates concerning health standards in Catalonia.
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Our main objective is to estimate the additional health care costs to the Portuguese National Health Service (NHS) due to domestic violence against women. We collected information through a survey addressed to health care centres’ female users. Both victims and non-victims of violence were inquired. We estimate costs according to five different groups – consultation costs, health care treatment and therapeutic costs, costs of complementary and diagnostic exams, drugs costs and transport costs. The estimations have been split into two perspectives – the NHS perspective (public perspective) and private perspective of inquired women (out of pocket payments). The timeframe of our calculations is one year, referring to all costs generated by domestic violence situations in the last twelve months. Essentially costs were estimated through the product of total number of episodes by the average estimated price per episode. Additionally, for the private costs, we also considered the costs originated by income losses, the opportunity cost of time spent on health care treatments and the work inability caused by sickness. The results suggest that the victims of domestic violence’s additional demand for health care is valued €140 per annum, that is about 22% higher than health care costs of non-victims. These results match those of similar studies for the United States, taking account of per capita differences in health care spending. A large proportion (90%) of the additional costs associated with domestic violence is supported by the NHS, where consultations and drugs are the most important contributors of such costs. Health consequences of domestic violence result from losses in quality of life and worst health status of victims and correspond to additional permanent economic costs of domestic violence episodes.
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This article reviews the evidence collected by diverse national and international organizations regarding the relationship between sexual violence against women, forced displacement, and dispossession in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. To this end, it uses the concept of “sexual violence regimes” to highlight that the endspursued by sexual violence are not always exhausted by simple consummation (that is, the act of sexual violence itself), but depending on the context, can be connected with broader strategic goals of armed actors. At the same time, this document admits the difficulty of proving this relationship with respect to judicial procedures, and thus sets out the possibility of creating a rebuttable presumption, in the framework of “unconstitutional state of affairs” created by judgment T-025 of 2004, that alleviates the burden of proof of the victims, and serves as a catalyst to promote new genderbased mechanisms of reparations.
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Although violence against women has gain attention, there is little evidence of studies about phycological violence against a partner. This paper uses data from Encuesta Nacional de Demografíay Salud (ENDS) to assess empirically models of violence against a partner. One of the main findingsis that the higher the economic independence of the women, the lower the phycologicalviolence against a partner. Some other results show that women with higher education level, belongingto a violent or low income family and living in cities different from Bogotá is correlatedwith higher probability of phycological violence.
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This study captures the significant regional and national knowledge that has been accumulated on measuring violence against women through the interregional project "Enhancing capacities to eradicate violence against women through networking of local knowledge communities". Supported by the United Nations Development Account, this two-year project was coordinated by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), through its Division for Gender Affairs, and implemented by the five regional commissions of the United Nations, in cooperation with the United Nations Statistical Division and UN-Women. Through the project, more than 30 countries worldwide have been engaged in the development, dissemination and testing of core indicators endorsed by the United Nations Statistical Commission. This process has made a decisive contribution to designing and building consensus around a common methodology to measure and document violence against women. Furthermore, the inclusion of all five regions in piloting the newly-developed tools to measure violence has also ensured that these tools capture a more comprehensive and complex vision of violence as experienced by women across cultures and regions. This report presents an overview of the activities that have taken place in the five regions, and outlines the key outcomes and lessons learned. Through its activities, the interregional project has made the cumulative body of existing knowledge in terms of policies, findings, innovative practices, processes and statistical data available to policymakers, activists and women's organizations. New knowledge was also produced through national studies that examined underexplored sources of data on violence against women. National capacities to collect information on violence against women through official statistics were strengthened through targeted training activities as well as through participation in expert meetings which provided the space for an effective exchange of best practices.
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OBJECTIVES: To describe the recommendations and interventions addressing violence against women (VAW) in vulnerable women (disabled, pregnant, ethnic minority, immigrant and older women) in key documents and laws enacted in different countries. METHODS: Content analysis of key documents for the development of VAW policies and laws: The United Nations Handbook for Legislation on Violence Against Women Advance Version, the Model of Laws and Policies on Intrafamiliar Violence Against Women of the Pan-American Health Organization and Recommendation No. R(2002)5 of the Committee of Ministers of the European Council. The content of the 62 VAW laws was also analyzed. RESULTS: Key documents demonstrate the importance of eliminating any obstacle facing disabled, pregnant, immigrant, ethnic minority or older women when accessing VAW services. Only 12 laws mention one or more of these groups of vulnerable women. Pregnant, disabled and ethnic minority women are the groups most often mentioned. In these laws, references to punitive measures, action plans and specific strategies to guarantee access to VAW resources are the most common interventions. CONCLUSION: Decisive interventions addressing the specific needs of disabled, pregnant, immigrant, ethnic minority and older women are needed in order to achieve a broader equity approach in VAW legislation.