«Tu ne tueras plus!» : une étude du processus de «recivilisation» de la société ouest-allemande d’après les catéchismes catholiques (1945-1970)

Chez les historiens qui se sont consacrés à l’étude de l’Allemagne contemporaine, plusieurs considèrent qu’en perpétrant un crime aussi barbare que la Shoah, le Troisième Reich a provoqué une « rupture de civilisation » (Zivilisationsbruch) au sein de l’histoire occidentale. En règle générale, ces spécialistes ont réfléchi sur le sens ainsi que sur les implications historiques et philosophiques de cet événement pour le monde contemporain. Peu d’entre eux, toutefois, se sont intéressés au pendant de cette « rupture de civilisation » : le processus de « recivilisation » qui a été à l’œuvre dans la société ouest-allemande au cours des premières décennies d’après-guerre. Caractérisé par le rejet de la violence et du militarisme, par la restauration des normes élémentaires de la civilité ainsi que par l’importance croissante accordée à des valeurs telles que la démocratie et le respect des droits de la personne, ce processus permet en grande partie d’expliquer comment, en à peine deux décennies, les Allemands de l’Ouest ont réussi à édifier un État stable et démocratique sur les ruines d’une dictature génocidaire. En étudiant la présentation du Décalogue dans les catéchismes catholiques, ce mémoire cherche à déterminer le rôle attribué aux prescriptions morales de nature religieuse dans le processus de « recivilisation » de la société ouest-allemande. Il se propose de montrer qu’au cours des années 1950 et 1960, les catéchismes catholiques publiés en RFA ont présenté de plus en plus d’indices d’une volonté que l’on pourrait qualifier de « recivilisatrice ». Ces indices ont surtout pris la forme d’une attention grandissante aux questions relatives à la guerre et à la paix, d’un assouplissement dans la présentation de l’autorité parentale et de l’adoption d’une conception de l’autorité civile fondée désormais sur l’accomplissement de devoirs civiques plutôt que sur l’obéissance aux supérieurs hiérarchiques.

La propaganda política gráfica como un elemento que influye en la conformación del Nacionalsocialismo alemán entre los años de 1920 a 1940

Durante el transcurso de la historia de los pueblos, el ser humano ha sido el actor de incesantes batallas por imponer su cosmovisión a otros. En este proceso por lograr su objetivo, ha desarrollado diferentes estrategias y métodos de persuasión que le han permitido adaptar el entorno a su manera. Uno de estos métodos ha sido la propaganda política, la cual ha sido utilizada por regímenes, sociedades e individuos para transformar y consolidar su posición. La presente monografía pretende dar un primer acercamiento a la manera como un régimen político puede ir adaptando una sociedad determinada. Concretamente, este trabajo busca mostrar cómo a partir de un análisis de la propaganda política gráfica, el Nacionalsocialismo Alemán pudo durante dos décadas (1920 -1940) conformar, instaurar y adaptar la sociedad alemana a una nueva realidad política y sociocultural, dando origen al periodo conocido como Tercer Reich.

La incidencia del totalitarismo en la configuración de una política exterior aislacionista

El presente estudio de caso consiste en identificar la incidencia del totalitarismo en la configuración de una política exterior aislacionista, tomando los casos del Tercer Reich y la República Democrática Popular de Corea; se trata de inferir si la incidencia de un régimen totalitario en la configuración de una política exterior aislacionista es directa, en tanto que responde al interés nacional del Estado con el fin de implementar reformas y actos que conlleven al aislamiento de la nación de la comunidad internacional. Para dicho efecto, se utilizará el paradigma realista con el que se pretenderán contrastar las diferencias y similitudes entre los casos estudiados. En consecuencia, en la investigación se utilizarán datos de carácter mixto, en tanto su uso cualitativo y cuantitativo.

Inverting the lives of 'others': retelling the Nazi past in 'Ehe im Schatten' and 'Das Leben der Anderen'

The article compares Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck's film Das Leben der Anderen (2006) with Kurt Maetzig's early post-war film Ehe im Schatten (1947). The comparison is based on significant narrative and thematic elements which the films share: They both have a ‘theatre couple’, representatives of the ‘Bildungsbürgertum’, at the centre of the story; in both cases the couple faces a crisis caused by the first and second German dictatorship respectively and then both try to solve the crisis by relying on the classical ‘bürgerliches Erbe’, particularly the ‘bürgerliches Trauerspiel’. The extensive use of the ‘bürgerliches Erbe’ in the films activates the function this heritage had for the definition of the German nation in the nineteenth century. However, while Maetzig's film shows how the ‘heritage’ and its representatives fail in the face of National Socialism, von Donnersmarck's film claims the effectiveness of this ‘heritage’ in the fight against the East German dictatorship. Von Donnersmarck thus inverts a critical film tradition of which Ehe im Schatten is an example; furthermore, as this tradition emerged from dealing with the Third Reich, von Donnersmarck's film, it will be argued, is more interested in the redemption of the Nazi past than the East German past.

Anti-Slavic imagery in German radical nationalist discourse at the turn of the twentieth century: a prelude to Nazi ideology?

By applying methods of cognitive metaphor theory, Jaworska examines metaphorical scenarios employed in the discourse of anti-Slavism, which featured prominently in radical nationalist propaganda in Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. She does so by analysing metaphorical expressions used to refer to the Polish population living in the eastern provinces of Prussia, in the so-called Ostmark. Her article is based on an analysis of a range of pamphlets and newspaper articles written by some of the leading figures of two nationalist organizations: the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) and the Eastern Marches Society(Ostmarkenverein). The main research questions it addresses are: What kind of metaphoric scenarios were used to depict the Polish minority, and to what extent were the metaphorical patterns of anti-Slavic imagery similar to those employed in the antisemitic propaganda of the Nazi era? Is there a discursive continuity between the radical nationalism of imperial Germany and the National Socialism of the Third Reich at the level of metaphorical scenarios? Ultimately, Jaworska attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive mechanisms underlying radical and essentially racist attitudes.

Vasculhando baús de memórias do nazismo por imagens: olhares e possibilidades diversos

Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC

Die psychologische Kampfführung

Nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurden auf dem Gebiet der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zahlreiche Organisationen gegründet, die es sich zur Aufgabe machten, auf die Meinungsbildung im Osten und Westen Einfluss zu nehmen. Dazu zählte von 1957 bis 1990 die Psychologische Kampfführung / Psychologische Verteidigung der Bundeswehr (PSK/PSV). Ihr primäres Ziel war es, das Staats- und Gesellschaftssystem der Bundesrepublik nach innen und außen zu konsolidieren. Der Dissertationsschrift liegt ein interdisziplinärer Ansatz zugrunde: Zum einen wird die PSK/PSV im Kontext der Propagandageschichte und -theorie dargestellt und untersucht – von diesem Standpunkt aus betrachtet handelt es sich um eine publizistikwissenschaftliche Untersuchung. Zum anderen wird die Wirklichkeit der PSK/PSV mit erziehungswissenschaftlichen Begriffen beschrieben, analysiert und unter pädagogischen Gesichtspunkten diskutiert – aus dieser Sichtweise liegt hier eine erziehungswissenschaftliche Untersuchung vor. Die PSK/PSV stand historisch betrachtet keineswegs im wertfreien Raum. Vor allem die Ausprägungen von Propaganda im Dritten Reich – aber auch in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik – spielten für die PSK/PSV eine bedeutende Rolle. Sie waren gewissermaßen stets zu meidende (politische) rechte und linke Grenze in dem Unterfangen, eine eigene Form von Propaganda zu entwickeln und zu betreiben. Die PSK/PSV wirkte unter politischer Zielsetzung auf Einstellungen und Verhalten von Personen beiderseits des Eisernen Vorhangs ein. Ihre Aktivitäten weisen in auffälliger Weise Schnittmengen zu Feldern der Erziehung auf. Die unterschiedlichen pädagogischen Programme und Strategien der vier PSK/PSV-Bereiche – (1) Lehr- und Forschungsstätten, (2) PSK/PSV-Truppe, (3) Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sozialbeziehungen e.V. und (4) Studiengesellschaft für Zeitprobleme e.V. – werden in der Dissertationsschrift dargestellt, analysiert und bewertet. In den Schlussbetrachtungen wird unter pädagogischen Gesichtspunkten diskutiert, ob der in Presse und Politik geäußerte Vorwurf einer Nähe der PSK/PSV zur Propaganda und Erziehung im Dritten Reich haltbar ist.

PANEL DISCUSSION: "Medical Ethics, Eugenics, and the Holocaust"

A panel discussion moderated by Dr. Thomas R. Cole, McGovern Chair in Medical Humanities and Director of the John P. McGovern Center for Humanities and Ethics at the University of Texas Health Science Center in Houston. Panelists include: Rabbi Samuel E. Karff, Rabbi Emeritus of Congregation Beth Israel and Associate Director of the John P. McGovern Center for Humanities and Ethics and Visiting Professor in the Department of Family Medicine at the University of Texas Health Science Center at the Texas Medical Center. Cardinal DiNardo, the second Archbishop of the Archdiocese of Galveston-Houston and the first cardinal archbishop from a diocese in the Southern United States. Dr. Sheldon Rubenfeld, Clinical Professor of Medicine at Baylor College of Medicine. He is Board Certified in Internal Medicine and in Endocrinology, Diabetes, and Metabolism, and is a Fellow in both the American College of Physicians and the American College of Endocrinology. Dr. Rubenfeld has taught "Healing by Killing: Medicine During the Third Reich" for three years and "Jewish Medical Ethics" for seven years at Baylor College of Medicine. He created a six-month program about Medicine and the Holocaust at Holocaust Museum Houston, including an exhibit entitled How Healing Becomes Killing: Eugenics, Euthanasia, Extermination and a series of lectures by distinguished speakers entitled "The Michael E. DeBakey Medical Ethics Lecture Series".

La reconstrucción histórica en el "Revisionismo" de David Irving

En este trabajo se plantea, más allá de examinar las tesis principales del "revisionismo", la propia naturaleza del conocimiento histórico. ¿Son válidas todas las interpretaciones de un hecho histórico? ¿Se trata en tales casos de "otra lectura", de una "versión alternativa", es decir, de otra apreciación de los datos disponibles? ¿Cómo saber cuando hay mala interpretación deliberada o falsificación de la evidencia? ¿Puede detectarse si la argumentación tendenciosa es deshonesta? El "revisionismo histórico" se ha definido a sí mismo como una corriente historiográfica que ofrece otra versión de Hitler y su régimen. Cerca de una veintena de autores, desde los años cuarenta del siglo XX, se adscriben en esta tendencia, algunos de los cuales han desplegado una sostenida actividad y han logrado una llamativa repercusión en los medios de difusión. Este es el caso de David Irving. Autor de más de treinta libros, artículos, conferencias y discursos dedicados al III Reich, ha pasado largos años de su vida rastreando y estudiando archivos alemanes. Pero muy lejos de constituir un nuevo enfoque historiográfico del nazismo, el "revisionismo" de David Irving está imbuido de política e ideología y sus métodos de trabajo incluyen la adulteración y la distorsión intencional de la historia.

Urbanism and dictatorship: perspectives of the field of urban studies

In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.

The Berlin Republic. Evolution of Germany's politics of memory and German patriotism. OSW Point of View, August 2009

Important changes have occurred in recent years in the attitude of a majority of the German elite towards the history of the 20th century and the political identity built on collective memory. Until recently, the sense of guilt for the crimes of the Third Reich and the obligation to remember were prevalent. While these two elements of Germany's memory of World War II are still important, currently the focus increasingly shifts to the German resistance against Nazism and the fate of the Germans who suffered in the war. Positive references to Germany's post-war history also occupy more and more space in the German memory. In 2009, i.e. the year of the 60th anniversary of the Federal Republic of Germany and the 20th anniversary of the fall of Communism, the efforts of German public institutions concentrate on promoting a new canon of history built around the successful democratisation and Germany's post-war economic success. The purpose behind these measures is to build a common historical memory that could be shared by the eastern and western parts of Germany and appeal to Germany's immigrants, who account for a growing proportion of the society.

Las edades de Hitler. De Satán a un ser de carne y hueso, y su representación en clave paródica

Adolf Hitler suscitó desde su entrada en la escena política alemana una fascinación perversa, un sentimiento que, con el tiempo, ha dado lugar a numerosas representaciones culturales sobre el Führer. La muestra, rica y variada tanto en el fondo como en la forma, nos permitirá trazar tres estadios en lo referente al proceso de construcción historiográfica del hitlerismo, iniciado con la caída del Tercer Reich. Estos responden en buena medida al devenir sociopolítico y cultural de la sociedad a escala global desde el final de la guerra y hasta nuestros días y pueden resumirse en tres: primero, la satanización; segundo, la humanización; tercero, el retrato caricaturesco. Proponemos un recorrido histórico por diversos productos culturales del dictador alemán cuyo propósito es desentrañar el retrato psicológico poliédrico que se ha construido en torno a la figura de Hitler.

Mobilising of the German 1848 Protest Song Tradition in the Context of International Twentieth Century Folk Revivals

The rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.

Identidade nacional e memória colectiva em Portugal e na Alemanha: Um estudo comparativo de manuais de terceira classe

Este estudo propõe-se fazer uma análise comparativa de dois manuais de leitura do ensino primário, um em Língua Portuguesa e o outro em Língua Alemã. A pesquisa aponta afinidades e temas comuns na forma como em ambos os livros são abordados elementos representativos da identidade nacional e da memória colectiva. O nosso trabalho procura evidenciar, através dos manuais analisados e de uma fundamentação teórica, a manipulação destes conceitos durante o período do Estado Novo e do Terceiro Reich, época a que se reportam os manuais escolares. A nossa dissertação de mestrado insere-se no âmbito da Literatura Comparada, apoiando-se no que diz respeito à sua fundamentação teórica em estudos e autores trabalhados no contexto das disciplinas de Literatura e Cultura de Massas e de Literatura Infanta-Juvenil, investigações essenciais para estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre os dois manuais de leitura do ensino básico. ABSTRACT: This study aims at a comparative analysis of two primary textbooks, one in Portuguese and the other in German language. The research points out common topics, affinities as well as a similar approach to representative elements of the National Identity and the Collective Memory in Portugal and in Germany. Based on the analysis of the schoolbooks mentioned and supported by a theoretical ground basis, our work tries to show the manipulation of these concepts during the years of the Estado Novo and the Third Reich, the period of time in which both schoolbooks were published and taught. Our dissertation applies to the study field of Compared Literature, having its theoretical ground basis on studies and authors referred to in the scope of the disciplines of Literature and Culture of the Masses as well as Children’s and Youth Literature which provided us essential knowledge for a comparative analysis of these two primary schoolbooks.

Le penser pacifié et l’agir moral de l’après Auschwitz selon T. W. Adorno

Dans Dialectique de la Raison, Adorno et Horkheimer tentent d’esquisser le pourquoi et le comment de ce retour à la barbarie qu’a connu la civilisation européenne, lors du troisième Reich. Quelles sont ces conditions qui ont rendu possibles les massacres administrés sous le régime nazi? La résolution de cette énigme qui se solde sur l’échec de l’Auflkärung nous dévoile une nécessité, celle d’une transformation radicale à la fois de l’éthique et de la métaphysique dans sa conception de la vérité. Celle-ci se présente à nous sous la forme d’une norme morale : « Dans leur état de non-liberté, Hitler a imposé aux hommes un nouvel impératif catégorique; penser et agir en sorte qu’Auschwitz ne se répète pas ». Quelles modalités de penser et d’agir nous exhortent ce nouvel impératif catégorique? La philosophie d’Adorno, critiqué pour n’avoir été que négative dans son entreprise, est-elle en mesure de nous fournir des prescriptions normatives capables de réorienter le penser théorétique et l’éthique?