942 resultados para State infrastructural power
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Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Neste trabalho, analisamos a governança eleitoral exercida pelo TRE/PA, especialmente o seu nível de isenção no contencioso eleitoral (rule adjudication) concernente aos pleitos majoritários (governador e senador) de 1982 e 1986, com retrospecto no período de 1945 a 1965 - o primeiro momento de atuação contínua e prolongada da Justiça Eleitoral num contexto democrático, isto é, antes do Golpe Militar de 1964. Partimos do pressuposto segundo o qual, dada a peculiar composição da Justiça Eleitoral, que funciona tomando de empréstimo magistrados da justiça comum - sendo os TRE‟s compostos, em sua maioria, por membros dos tribunais de justiça estaduais -, somado ao padrão de relacionamento executivo-judiciário estadual, em que, historicamente, constatamos uma hipertrofia do primeiro em relação ao segundo poder, estimamos existir uma grande probabilidade de favorecimento do TRE aos candidatos majoritários do partido governamental. Esta circunstância seria agravada no período histórico em tela, em vista da enorme ingerência do executivo estadual sobre o respectivo poder judiciário, verificada anteriormente à promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Com efeito, encontramos fortes indícios a corroborar esta hipótese no período 1945-65, mas não encontramos evidências suficientes para sustentá-la por ocasião dos pleitos de 1982 e 1986. No pleito de 1982, o TRE manifestou razoável grau de isenção e coerência em seus acórdãos, exceto em dois processos semelhantes: um deles provocado pelo PDS e o outro pelo PMDB, ambos envolvendo um número expressivo de votos. O PMDB, partido então patrocinado pelo governador, venceu a lide, enquanto o PDS, o partido oposicionista, foi derrotado. No tocante, ao pleito de 1986, observamos uma disposição da Corte para denegar os pedidos propostos pelas legendas oposicionistas, sobretudo o PT e o extinto PMB, ainda que não tenha sido possível demonstrar um claro favorecimento ao partido governamental.
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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR
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The present study explores the important points to be considered in understanding the characteristics of the network society appointed by Castells and their relations with the state and power. Compares industrial society forged in the eighteenth and nineteenth century with the information society resulting from new information technologies, global connectivity by internet and generating wealth from capital to capital. Its main objective is to highlight the transitory moment of our human relationships and the need to look to the future free from the shackles of the past.
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Ziel dieser Arbeit war die Pr"{a}paration, Charakterisierung und Untersuchung der elektronischen Eigenschaften von d"{u}nnen Schichten des Hochtemperatursupraleiters HgReBa$_{2}$Ca$_{n-1}$Cu$_{n}$O$_{y}$, die mittels gepulster Laser-Deposition hergestellt wurden. Die HgRe1212-Filme zeigen in der AC-Suszeptibilit"{a}t einen scharfen "{U}bergang in die supraleitende Phase bei 124 K mit einer "{U}bergangsbreite von 2 K. Die resistiven "{U}berg"{a}nge der Proben wurden mit zunehmender St"{a}rke des externen Magnetfeldes breiter. Aus der Steigung der Arrheniusplots konnte die Aktivierungsenergie f"{u}r verschiedene Feldst"{a}rken bestimmt werden. Weiterhin wurde die Winkelabh"{a}ngigkeit des Depinning-Feldes $B_{dp}(theta)$ der Filme gemessen. Hieraus wurde ein Anisotropiewert von $gamma$ = 7.7 bei 105 K ermittelt. Dies ist relevant, um den f"{u}r Anwendungen wichtigen Bereich im $T$-$B$-$theta$-Phasenraum des Materials absch"{a}tzen zu k"{o}nnen. Die kritische Stromdichte $J_{c}$ der d"{u}nnen Filme aus HgRe-1212 wurde mit Hilfe eines SQUID-Magnetometers gemessen. Die entsprechenden $M$-$H$ Kurven bzw. das magnetische Moment dieser Filme wurde f"{u}r einen weiten Temperatur- und Feldbereich mit einem magnetischen Feld senkrecht zum Film aufgenommen. F"{u}r einen HgRe-1212-Film konnte bei 5 K eine kritische Stromdichte von 1.2 x 10$^{7}$ A/cm$^{2}$ und etwa 2 x 10$^{6}$ A/cm$^{2}$ bei 77 K ermittelt werden. Es wurde die Magnetfeld- und die Temperaturabh"{a}ngigkeit des Hall-Effekts im normalleitenden und im Mischzustand in Magnetfeldern senkrecht zur $ab$-Ebene bis zu 12 T gemessen. Oberhalb der kritischen Temperatur $T_{c}$ steigt der longitudinale spezifische Widerstand $rho_{xx}$ linear mit der Temperatur, w"{a}hrend der spezifische Hall-Widerstand $rho_{yx}$ sich umgekehrt proportional zur Temperatur "{a}ndert. In der N"{a}he von $T_{c}$ und in Feldern kleiner als 3 T wurde eine doppelte Vorzeichen"{a}nderung des spezifischen Hall-Widerstandes beobachtet. Der Hall-Winkel im Normalzustand, cot $theta_{H}= alpha T^{2} + beta$, folgt einer universellen $textit{T }^{2}$-Abh"{a}ngigkeit in allen magnetischen Feldern. In der N"{a}he des Nullwiderstand-Zustandes h"{a}ngt der spezifische Hall-Widerstand $rho_{yx}$ "{u}ber ein Potenzgesetz mit dem longitudinalen Widerstand $rho_{xx}$ zusammen. Das Skalenverhalten zwischen $rho_{yx}$ und $rho_{xx}$ weist eine starke Feld-Abh"{a}ngigkeit auf. Der Skalenexponent $beta$ in der Gleichung $rho_{yx}$ =A $rho_{xx}^{beta}$ steigt von 1.0 bis 1.7, w"{a}hrend das Feld von 1.0 bis 12 T zunimmt.
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A partir del golpe de estado de 1976 se impone en la Argentina, sobre las ruinas del proceso de industrialización, una nueva forma de acumulación del capital que subsiste hasta hoy: el modelo "aperturista", "neoliberal" o "rentístico-financiero". Contra la idea de la desaparición del poder del Estado a favor del poder económico, éste artículo analiza el importante papel de este Aparato en la emergencia y consolidación del nuevo patrón y en la reproducción del capital monopolista, así como las transformaciones que las políticas estatales, fundamentalmente económicas, producen en la estructura social, tanto en los sectores dominantes como en los dominados.
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Over the last few years, the Pennsylvania State University (PSU) under the sponsorship of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) has prepared, organized, conducted, and summarized two international benchmarks based on the NUPEC data—the OECD/NRC Full-Size Fine-Mesh Bundle Test (BFBT) Benchmark and the OECD/NRC PWR Sub-Channel and Bundle Test (PSBT) Benchmark. The benchmarks’ activities have been conducted in cooperation with the Nuclear Energy Agency/Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (NEA/OECD) and the Japan Nuclear Energy Safety (JNES) Organization. This paper presents an application of the joint Penn State University/Technical University of Madrid (UPM) version of the well-known sub-channel code COBRA-TF (Coolant Boiling in Rod Array-Two Fluid), namely, CTF, to the steady state critical power and departure from nucleate boiling (DNB) exercises of the OECD/NRC BFBT and PSBT benchmarks. The goal is two-fold: firstly, to assess these models and to examine their strengths and weaknesses; and secondly, to identify the areas for improvement.
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The concept of a global civil society is gaining greater acceptance among International Relations (IR) scholars, yet few studies exist that look at the role of fraternal organizations and their influence in constructing this realm. Freemasonry, one of the oldest fraternal orders, exerts a powerful influence on its membership through its symbolism, architecture and ritual, based on the tenets of mutual respect and tolerance towards all human beings. Such principles helped in creating a body of practices and institutions as early as the eighteenth century which two hundred years later were identified and conceptualized as global civil society. ^ The allegations of anti-Masons and conspiracy theorists offer a continuous account of Masonry's influence on the political scene since its modern founding in 1717 Great Britain. Conspiracy theorists portray the coming of a New World Order, orchestrated and directed by a secret hierarchy of Masons/Illuminati. Even though the lens of conspiracy theories paints a distorted view of reality, it does focus attention to Freemasonry's activities as a major player in politics over the span of three centuries. Not only do such theories challenge the novelty of practices that make up a global civil society, but also the notion that it is an inclusive and growing sector that unites people across the globe. They also provide a valuable critique by pointing out the inconsistencies and discriminatory practices of Masonry as contrasted with the lofty ideals and aims for humanity. ^ The Masonic influence in the social world is perceived as one that reflects the liberal worldview where the nation-state and power structures are in pursuit of human progress, or profit. The symbolism of Masonry, however, carries a message that can be characterized as representing republican ideals. Masonic symbolism and ritual create spaces of meaning where the contradictions between the ideals and the structures of inequality and elitism can be resolved. Freemasonry as a symbolic system proclaiming their inherent republican values does have a global reach. However, the effectiveness of these values is bounded by the constraints that are inherent in a liberal world dominated by nation-states. ^
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Since Plato's Republic and Aristotle's Politics established the basis for Western political thought almost 2500 years ago, the discipline of international relations has evolved substantially. However, most of the literature revolves around state interaction within the system, and there is little discussion of countries that opt out of the international states system and become isolationist. Given the interdependent nature of the modern international system, this study elaborates on domestic and foreign isolationism by expounding upon the reasons and consequences of states opting out of the international system. The empirical case studies utilized to explore isolationism are Albania, North Korea, and Burma. By empirically verifying the components, motivations, and consequences of isolationism in an interdependent world, this study provides insight into why and how states resist engagement with the global socioeconomic and political state system. ^ Using historical, comparative, and inductive analysis, this study explains why states choose to isolate themselves both domestically and internationally. Specifically, comparative historical analysis highlights isolationism as a concept and practice. This study maintains that extreme forms of self-imposed isolation in an interdependent international system, while perhaps serving the immediate interests of a ruling regime, harms the long-term national interests of the state and the populace. Although the leadership in an isolationist state gains a significant amount of power and control over the people within its borders, the state as a whole experiences profound negative effects. In the long term, a state loses power, stability, prestige, and suffers a decline in overall economic prosperity. ^ States that withdraw from the international system, therefore, provide insight into an unexplored area of international relations when considering notions of rationality, self-interest, power politics, cooperation, and alliances. In short, isolationism in an interdependent state system goes against the logic of the modern society/system of states, resulting in deleterious consequences to the wellbeing of the state. ^
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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan's defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.
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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.
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Okuno, NM, Perandini, LAB, Bishop, D, Simoes, HG, Pereira, G, Berthoin, S, Kokubun, E, and Nakamura, FY. Physiological and perceived exertion responses at intermittent critical power and intermittent maximal lactate steady state. J Strength Cond Res 25(7): 2053-2058, 2011-The aim of this study was to compare the power outputs of the intermittent critical power (CPi) with the intermittent maximal lactate steady state (MLSSi) and to compare the physiological and perceptual responses exercising at CPi and MLSSi. Ten subjects performed intermittent trials on a cycle ergometer to determine CPi and MLSSi using 30: 30 seconds of effort and pause. The oxygen uptake ((V) over dotO(2)), heart rate (HR), blood lactate concentration ([Lac]), and rating of perceived exertion (RPE) responses were compared during 30-minute cycling at CPi and MLSSi. The CPi (267 6 45 W) was similar to MLSSi (254 6 39 W), and they were correlated (r = 0.88; p<0.05). The (V) over dotO(2) and HR responses stabilized throughout exercising at CPi (2.52 +/- 0.52 L.min(-1); 156 +/- 8 b.min(-1)) and MLSSi (2.41 +/- 0.32 L.min(-1); 152 +/- 10 b.min(-1)). These physiological variables were similar between conditions. However, the [Lac] and RPE were higher from the middle to the end of exercise duration at CPi ([Lac] = 6.9 +/- 2.6 mM; RPE = 17.1 +/- 2.1 a.u.) compared to MLSSi ([Lac] = 5.1 +/- 0.9 mM; RPE = 15.7 +/- 1.8 a.u.). Therefore, CPi intensity determined from 30: 30 seconds of effort and rest periods on a cycle ergometer is equivalent to the MLSSi, and there is a physiological steady state throughout both exercise intensities, although the [Lac] and RPE responses at CPi are higher than at MLSSi. Thus, the CPi and MLSSi may be used as tools for intermittent training evaluation and prescription.
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In this study, the innovation approach is used to estimate the measurement total error associated with power system state estimation. This is required because the power system equations are very much correlated with each other and as a consequence part of the measurements errors is masked. For that purpose an index, innovation index (II), which provides the quantity of new information a measurement contains is proposed. A critical measurement is the limit case of a measurement with low II, it has a zero II index and its error is totally masked. In other words, that measurement does not bring any innovation for the gross error test. Using the II of a measurement, the masked gross error by the state estimation is recovered; then the total gross error of that measurement is composed. Instead of the classical normalised measurement residual amplitude, the corresponding normalised composed measurement residual amplitude is used in the gross error detection and identification test, but with m degrees of freedom. The gross error processing turns out to be very simple to implement, requiring only few adaptations to the existing state estimation software. The IEEE-14 bus system is used to validate the proposed gross error detection and identification test.
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Introduction Schistosomiasis is a parasitic disease of public health concern in Brazil, and the construction of hydroelectric dams, in addition to increasing permanent human settlement and tourism, has created conditions suitable for the establishment of mollusks that can transmit schistosomiasis. Such areas require a number of actions to prevent the establishment of schistosomiasis. This paper reports on a freshwater malacological survey carried out in the geographical area of the Manso Power Plant. Methods Mollusks were collected in 18 municipalities in the State of Mato Grosso between February 2002 and February 2004 (qualitative study) and from April 2009 to February 2011 (quantitative study). Results Thirty-one species of mollusks were collected, including newly recorded species (Antillorbis nordestensis and Burnupia ingae). In addition, the geographic distributions of known species, including Biomphalaria straminea, a snail vector of Schistosoma mansoni, were expanded. A total of 4,507 specimens were collected in the APM Manso reservoir (Usina Hidrelétrica de Aproveitamento Múltiplo de Manso) during the quantitative study, and Biomphalaria amazonica was found in six of the 10 localities analyzed. The Afroasiatic species Melanoides tuberculata, introduced after February 2009, was the dominant species (relative abundance 94.96%). Conclusions The study area is epidemiologically important due to the occurrence of B. straminea and B. amazonica, which are vectors of schistosomiasis, and M. tuberculata, a snail host of Centrocestus formosanus, which is responsible for centrocestiasis transmission. Observations of M. tuberculata and the exotic freshwater clams Corbicula fluminea and Corbicula largillierti raise concerns about biodiversity.