990 resultados para Sportsturf and greens


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This thesis aims to analyze the applicability of Lean Six Sigma and DMAIC to improve processes focused on agriculture. We discuss the origins of each system separately, Lean Manufacturing, the Toyota plants in Japan, and Six Sigma, by Motorola in the U.S., and then appears to merge them and can meet their complementarities and synergy between their tools. Finally, we describe a case study focused on the harvesting department, applicable to all types of manuals crops, covering the production of fruits, vegetables and greens. This study shows the ability to reduce costs, increase productivity and elimination of defects that the methodology developed with the fusion of Lean Manufacturing with Six Sigma allows

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Fine-textured hybrid bermudagrass [Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. x C. transvaalensis Burtt-Davy] cultivars have been widely used for golf putting greens and lawn bowls greens in warm-climate areas for more than 40 years. During the past decade, the choice of cultivar for professional turfgrass managers has been expanded by a range of secondgeneration hybrid bermudagrasses, which differ from the first-generation cultivars ‘Tifgreen’ and ‘Tifdwarf ’ in their management requirements. In this paper, we present comparative morphological and developmental data for seven cultivars (Champion Dwarf, FloraDwarf, MS-Supreme, Novotek, Tifdwarf, TifEagle, Tifgreen) grown in spaced plant and sward experiments at Cleveland, Australia (27º32’S lat, 153º15’E long, 25 masl). The four ‘ultradwarf ’ cultivars (Champion Dwarf, MS-Supreme, FloraDwarf, TifEagle) showed slower vertical extension and produced fewer inflorescences than Tifdwarf, Tifgreen, and Novotek. However, in terms of the length of stolon internodes and their overall rate of lateral spread, Champion Dwarf, FloraDwarf, and TifEagle were comparable to Tifdwarf; MS-Supreme (with longer internodes) spread faster laterally, though slower than Tifgreen (which had the longest stolon internodes). In unmown swards, the four ultradwarfs produced shorter leaves than Tifgreen, Tifdwarf, and Novotek, but only Champion Dwarf produced significantly narrower leaves than Tifgreen, Tifdwarf, and Novotek, with TifEagle leaves also significantly narrower than those of Tifgreen and Novotek. Minimum threshold temperatures for growth were approximately 9° to 10°C (air temperature) and 15° to 16°C at 10 cm soil depth.

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This article traces the legal development of recreational rights surrounding village greens and, later, urban public spaces in the UK. The article highlights that at a critical juncture in the development of modern sport in Britain - in the mid-nineteenth century - the law helped embed not only just a space for sport in the emerging industrialised and increasingly urbanised environment, but also the place of sport in the Victorian era's evolving socio-economic landscape and, further, the relevant case law was the precursor for what is known today as sports law.

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New representations and efficient calculation methods are derived for the problem of propagation from an infinite regularly spaced array of coherent line sources above a homogeneous impedance plane, and for the Green's function for sound propagation in the canyon formed by two infinitely high, parallel rigid or sound soft walls and an impedance ground surface. The infinite sum of source contributions is replaced by a finite sum and the remainder is expressed as a Laplace-type integral. A pole subtraction technique is used to remove poles in the integrand which lie near the path of integration, obtaining a smooth integrand, more suitable for numerical integration, and a specific numerical integration method is proposed. Numerical experiments show highly accurate results across the frequency spectrum for a range of ground surface types. It is expected that the methods proposed will prove useful in boundary element modeling of noise propagation in canyon streets and in ducts, and for problems of scattering by periodic surfaces.

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This work evaluated the preference of Ascia monuste orseis among 29 cultivars of collard greens through free- and no-choice assays using female adults (attractiveness and oviposition) and third-instar larvae (feeding preference), in both laboratory and greenhouse conditions. In free-choice tests with female adults, the L, V, Y, H, A, and Z cultivars produced oviposition non-preference in butterflies. Cultivars R, P, C, and D produced feeding non-preference in third-instar larvae of A. monuste orseis in free- and no-choice tests. Our findings may be useful for genetic improvement focusing on the development of B. oleracea var. acephala cultivars resistant to A. monuste orseis.

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Few studies have directly related turfgrass growth and quality responses to extractable soil P concentrations in sand greens. A 3-yr field experiment was conducted on a sand-based putting green to determine creeping bentgrass (Agrostis stolonifera L.) growth and quality responses to extractable soil P. Extractable soil P concentrations were obtained by using the modified-Morgan, Mehlich-1, and Bray-1 extractants. Critical extractable P concentrations (above which there is a low probability of response to increasing soil P concentrations) for shoot counts, thatch thickness, relative clipping yields, quality ratings, P deficiency ratings, tissue P concentrations, and root weights were determined using Cate-Nelson (CN) and quadratic response and plateau (QRP) models. Both models fit the data relatively well in most cases (R2 values from 0.12 to 0.89), and critical concentrations for the QRP models were always greater than the CN models. Critical extractable P concentrations were lowest for the modified-Morgan extractant (1.4 to 12.0 mg kg(-1)) and greatest for the Mehlich-1 extractant (14.1 to 63.6 mg kg(-1)). Application of estimated critical extractable P concentrations in this study could be used to substantiate observed responses or explain lack of responses in other previously reported creeping bentgrass P studies. We found better model fits with modified-Morgan extractable P for bentgrass quality ratings, deficiency ratings, and tissue P concentrations than with P extracted by the Mehlich or Bray methods. This suggests that the modified-Morgan extractant may have advantages over stronger-acid extractants when used on sand-based media. The results can be used to revise or update existing P fertilization recommendations for bent-grass grown on sand-based media.

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Leafy greens are essential part of a healthy diet. Because of their health benefits, production and consumption of leafy greens has increased considerably in the U.S. in the last few decades. However, leafy greens are also associated with a large number of foodborne disease outbreaks in the last few years. The overall goal of this dissertation was to use the current knowledge of predictive models and available data to understand the growth, survival, and death of enteric pathogens in leafy greens at pre- and post-harvest levels. Temperature plays a major role in the growth and death of bacteria in foods. A growth-death model was developed for Salmonella and Listeria monocytogenes in leafy greens for varying temperature conditions typically encountered during supply chain. The developed growth-death models were validated using experimental dynamic time-temperature profiles available in the literature. Furthermore, these growth-death models for Salmonella and Listeria monocytogenes and a similar model for E. coli O157:H7 were used to predict the growth of these pathogens in leafy greens during transportation without temperature control. Refrigeration of leafy greens meets the purposes of increasing their shelf-life and mitigating the bacterial growth, but at the same time, storage of foods at lower temperature increases the storage cost. Nonlinear programming was used to optimize the storage temperature of leafy greens during supply chain while minimizing the storage cost and maintaining the desired levels of sensory quality and microbial safety. Most of the outbreaks associated with consumption of leafy greens contaminated with E. coli O157:H7 have occurred during July-November in the U.S. A dynamic system model consisting of subsystems and inputs (soil, irrigation, cattle, wildlife, and rainfall) simulating a farm in a major leafy greens producing area in California was developed. The model was simulated incorporating the events of planting, irrigation, harvesting, ground preparation for the new crop, contamination of soil and plants, and survival of E. coli O157:H7. The predictions of this system model are in agreement with the seasonality of outbreaks. This dissertation utilized the growth, survival, and death models of enteric pathogens in leafy greens during production and supply chain.

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Leadership change formed the backdrop to the 2010 Australian federal election, with the replacement of Kevin Rudd as prime minister by Julia Gillard, the country’s first female prime minister. This article uses the 2010 Australian Election Study, a post-election survey of voters, to examine patterns of voter defection between the 2007 and 2010 elections. The results show that the predominant influence on defection was how voters rated the leaders. Julia Gillard was particularly popular among female voters and her overall impact on the vote was slightly greater than that of Tony Abbott. Policy issues were second in importance after leadership, particularly for those moving from the Coalition to Labor, who were concerned about health and unemployment. Labor defectors to the Greens particularly disliked Labor’s education policies. Overall, the results point to the enduring importance of leaders as the predominant influence on how voters cast their ballot.

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The New Zealand Parliament is considering the adoption of plain packaging of tobacco products with the introduction of the Smoke-Free Environments (Tobacco Plain Packaging) Amendment Bill 2014 (NZ). There has been strong support for the measure amongst the major parties – including the National Party; the Maori Party; the Labor Party; and the Greens. The New Zealand parliamentary debate has considered matters of public health and tobacco control; the role of intellectual property law; and the operation of international trade and investment law.

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A study undertaken in Hervey Bay, Queensland, investigated the potential of creating an indigenous agribusiness opportunity based on the cultivation of indigenous Australian vegetables and herbs. Included were warrigal greens (WG) (Tetragonia tetragonioides), a green leafy vegetable and the herb sea celery (SC) (Apium prostratum); both traditional foods of the indigenous population and highly desirable to chefs wishing to add a unique, indigenous flavour to modern dishes. Packaging is important for shelf life extension and minimisation of postharvest losses in horticultural products. The ability of two packaging films to extend WG and SC shelf life was investigated. These were Antimisted Biaxial Oriented Polypropylene packaging film (BOPP) without perforations and Antifog BOPP Film with microperforations. Weight loss, packaging headspace composition, colour changes, sensory differences and microbial loads of packed WG and SC leaves were monitored to determine the impact of film oxygen transmission rate (OTR) and film water vapour transmission (WVT) on stored product quality. WG and SC were harvested, sanitised, packed and stored at 4°C for 16 days. Results indicated that the OTR and WVT rates of the package film significantly (PKLEINERDAN0.05) influenced the package headspace and weight loss, but did not affect product colour, total bacteria, yeast and mould populations during storage. There was no significant difference (PGROTERDAN0.05) in aroma, appearance, texture and flavour for WG and SC during storage. It was therefore concluded that a shelf life of 16 days at 4°C, where acceptable sensory properties were retained, was achievable for WG and SC in both packaging films.

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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.