630 resultados para Sport Sociology


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World Conference on Psychology and Sociology 2012

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World Conference on Psychology and Sociology 2012

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Sport Mega-event hosting faces opposition that is manifested with different intensity during the different phases of the event, from its inception as an idea to its delivery and legacy. Some Social Movements Organisations (SMOs) have acted as indefatigable monitors of the Sustainable Development (SD) dimension of sporting events in general and, in some of the most recent sport mega-events, in particular the Olympics, they have served as important advisors and facilitators. Nevertheless, in many cases we see enthusiastic supporters turning to vehemently challenging whatever positives have been associated with hosting the event. In addition, there is opposition to sport Mega-events in their entirety. That type of opposition tends to employ a holistic prism that manages to identify multiple interconnected negative aspects of hosting a sport mega-event and incorporate them into an anti-systemic discourse. It is important to bear in mind that irrespective of many proclamations to the opposite as far as megas are concerned (projects and/or events), a number of studies have demonstrated that citizen participation and democratic accountability in decision-making have been notoriously absent. After all, the idea of citizen participation in the planning of sport mega-event is essentially the public response to a plan conceived by others. There were, of course, some notable cases of democratic consultation at the early stages of bidding to host a sport mega-event but these more democratic approaches resulted in the failure of the bid (for e.g. Toronto 1996). The knowledge of this by the groups that initiated the hosting idea and the bidding process has led to discouraging in depth public consultation that may fit perfectly to the democratic process but not to the tight schedules of associated projects completion. That produces ‘autocracy against which opposition may arise’ (Hiller, 2000, p. 198). It is this democratic deficit that has led to important instances of social contestation and protest mobilizations by citizen groups as well as the more regular corps of social activists. From a perspective borrowed from the sociology of protest and social movements, sport mega-events hosting can operate as an issue that stimulates protest activities by an existing protest milieu and new actors as well as an important mobilizing resource. In fact, some scholars have also argued that the Olympic Games were an important frame for the transnational activism that was marked by anti-globalization protest in Seattle in 1999 (Cottrell & Nelson, 201; Lenskyj, 2008). In addition, it’s important not to lose sight of other acts dissent that take place in relatively close proximity, about a year before the event when most infrastructural and societal changes brought by hosting the event and impact start to become apparent by the host communities, like the rioting of August 2011 in the London Olympic Boroughs and the 2012 riots of June 2013 in Sao Paulo and other Brazilian cities. This paper starts by outlining the SD claims made in the bidding to host the summer Olympic Games by five prospective hosts (Sydney; Athens; Beijing; London and Rio) proceeds towards examining the opposition and challenges that was manifested in relation to these claims. In Particular it provides an assessment of protest-events over the aforementioned different phases of sport mega-events hosting. A different picture emerges for each of the host nation that is partly explained by local, national and global configuration of protest politics. Whereas the post-event legacy of the first two hosts of the Games can be assessed and that way see the validity of claims made by challengers in the other phases, in the other three cases, the implementation of Olympic Games Impact (OGI) studies offers the tool for discussing the post-event phase for Beijing and London and engage in a speculative exercise for the case of Rio. Judging by available findings, the paper concludes that the SD aspiration made in the bid documents are unlikely to be met and social contestation based on the same issues is likely to increase due to the current global economic crisis and BRICS, like China and Brazil, having entered the process of becoming global economic hegemons.

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Drawing upon the findings of my MSc dissertation and the proposed methodology for my current PhD thesis, this paper will critically reflect upon the potential uses of narrative analysis within the sociological study of sport. The majority of this paper will consider the expression of anti-English sentiment by Scots in relation to both sporting and wider social contexts. Drawing upon the conceptual framework of ‘narrative identity’ proposed by Somers (1994), data was generated through semi-structured interviews focusing upon the ‘ontological’ and ‘public’ narratives of Scottish identity as expressed by Scots living in England. The relationship between Scotland and England is argued to be heavily influenced by the existence of an ‘underdog mentality’ grand ‘public narrative’ for Scots in relation to their English neighbours, based on perceived differences in economic and sporting resources. This ‘underdog mentality’ is argued to act as a legitimating force for the expression of anti-English sentiment within an individual’s ‘ontological narrative’ in both a sporting and wider social context. The paper concludes by reflecting upon the benefits of adopting a narrative analysis approach, and outlining the proposed use of similar methods within my PhD research on the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games and the Scottish independence referendum.

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This paper aims to reflect upon the potential analytical utility of the political discourse analysis framework proposed by Isabela Fairclough and Norman Fairclough (2012). This framework represents the most recent substantive development upon Norman Fairclough's past work situated within the wider school of Critical Discourse Analysis, building upon his influential position this methodological tradition. Central to this development is the additional emphasis placed upon the necessity to conceptualise all political discourse as 'argumentative' in nature, given that political actors are ultimately proposing or refuting particular courses of concrete future action. This paper will therefore apply Fairclough and Fairclough's model to provisional data derived from an ongoing doctoral thesis which considers the nature of political discourse relating to sport, the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games and Scottish independence, with an ultimate aim of critically considering the benefits and limitations of applying this analytical framework as a methodological tool within this ongoing study.

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In September 2014, a historic referendum on the issue of Scottish independence was held, with the potential to dissolve the political union between Scotland and the other constituent nations of the United Kingdom which had survived intact since the 1707 Act of Union. On a significantly high electoral turnout of 84.6%, the Scottish electorate opted to reject the proposals of the governing party in the devolved Scottish Parliament, the pro-independence Scottish National Party (SNP), to create an independent Scottish state, with 55.3% of the electorate voting ‘No’ to Scottish independence against a 44.7% ‘Yes’ vote. In the grand scheme of the Scottish independence referendum campaigns, sports policy remained a somewhat peripheral issue within the arguments forwarded by the Yes Scotland and Better Together campaigns. Nonetheless, developments such as the formation of the 'Sport for Yes' campaign sub-group, the inclusion of sport within the Scottish Government’s White Paper on Scottish independence and the establishment of the Working Group on Scottish Sport demonstrated that the potential implications of independence were still deemed significant enough to merit a degree of policy planning by the Scottish Government (Lafferty, 2014; Scottish Government, 2013; Working Group on Scottish Sport, 2013, 2014). This paper will critically consider the implications of the 'No' vote in the Scottish independence referendum for the latter of these developments, the policy proposals of the Working Group for Scottish Sport. Drawing upon the principles of critical discourse analysis, specifically the analytical framework proposed by Fairclough and Fairclough (2012), the content of this group's proposal will be examined in order to critically explore the policy for Scottish sport it envisaged for an independent Scottish state. The paper will then conclude by reflecting upon the extent to which elements of this political 'imaginary' (Fairclough and Fairclough, 2012) of Scottish sport remain a possibility for future sports policy in Scotland following the eventual 'No' vote in the referendum.

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This paper will critically consider the implications for Scottish athletes who have publicly stated their personal opinion on the Scottish independence referendum. Developments such as the inclusion of sport within the Scottish Government’s White Paper on Scottish independence, the establishment of the ‘Working Group on Scottish Sport’ and the establishment of the ‘Sport for Yes’ campaign group demonstrate the harnessing of sporting issues as an additional, if somewhat peripheral, debate point in the referendum campaigns (Lafferty, 2014; Scottish Government, 2013; Working Group on Scottish Sport, 2013, 2014). The latter of these developments, the establishment of the ‘Sport for Yes’ campaign group, is of particular interest, offering evidence of the explicit political mobilisation of past and present athletes in support of the ‘Yes Scotland’ pro-independence campaign. Whilst the pro-union ‘Better Together’ campaign does not possess a comparable group to the ‘Sport for Yes’ example, examples of athletes discussing the potential negative impact of Scottish independence on the funding and organisation of Scottish sport have been capitalised upon by pro-union campaigners, as exemplified in the comments of Sir Chris Hoy (BBC, 2013; Daily Record, 2013a). Given the negative reaction to Hoy’s comments from certain pro-independence campaigners (Daily Record, 2013b; Swanson, 2013), other Scottish athletes have understandably attempted to avoid controversy by refusing to align with either side of the referendum debate. This paper will therefore consider the potential pitfalls for athletes who publicly announce their political positions, whilst also scrutinising the extent to which such pronouncements are of political significance, drawing upon past academic analyses of the interrelationship between sport and politics (e.g. Coghlan, 1990; Houlihan, 1994; Jeffreys, 2012; Macfarlane, 1986; Whannel, 2008).

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Implanté en 1999 dans le quartier Centre-Sud à Montréal, le programme d'intervention psychosociale « Bien dans mes baskets » (BdmB) utilise le basketball comme outil pour entrer en contact avec des jeunes à risque de délinquance. Ce programme se distingue par le fait que ses entraîneurs-travailleurs-sociaux (ETS) interviennent tant dans le développement d'habiletés de vie que d’habiletés sportives. La présente étude vise à comprendre comment les expériences vécues au sein de BdmB ont pu contribuer au développement d’habiletés de vie chez les adolescents qui ont participé au programme lorsqu’ils étaient à l’école secondaire. Une méthodologie rétrospective qualitative a été utilisée pour cette étude. Des entretiens semi-dirigés ont été effectués auprès de 14 anciens athlètes-étudiants (AÉ) masculins qui ont participé à BdmB pendant leurs études secondaires. Le verbatim des entretiens enregistrés a été transcrit afin de procéder à une analyse de contenu par thématique. Les résultats suggèrent que quatre principaux facteurs semblent contribuer au développement d’habiletés de vie chez certains participants : le modelage de l’ETS a permis aux AÉ de reproduire les comportements de leur entraîneur; le développement d’un sentiment d’attachement entre les joueurs a engendré la création d’un nouveau réseau social dans lequel les AÉ ont pu trouver du soutien social; une culture d’équipe influencée par la philosophie de BdmB semble avoir été intériorisée par les joueurs; et BdmB a agi dans certains cas comme facteur de protection contre des influences externes négatives. Les résultats suggèrent que le sport collectif combiné à des interventions psychosociales favoriserait le développement d’habiletés de vie.

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Fondée sur une étude ethnographique de la pratique du soccer amateur au sein d’une population immigrante associée politiquement à des minorités visibles, discernables par rapport au groupe majoritaire que forment les Québécois francophones, cette thèse cherche à élucider le rapport pratique et fonctionnel entre corps, connaissance et société à la lumière de la théorie de la pratique élaborée par Bourdieu. Dans cette voie, elle cherche à concevoir la pratique sportive comme vecteur d’intégration sociale susceptible de former l’habitus propice à l’intégration, à la sociabilité et à la participation sociale requises pour développer le sentiment d’appartenance à la société d’accueil dans les rangs de ces sportifs. Dans la veine de la théorisation enracinée, et en s’appuyant sur l’observation systématique du style de jeu et des représentations sociales autour de l’intégration élaborés par un groupe d’adeptes du soccer dans une étude combinant observation, vidéo, notes de terrain et interviews, recueillies dans une ligue amateur de Montréal, la thèse a pour objectif de débusquer la logique sociale que sous-tend la pratique sportive en décelant le sens pratique à l’œuvre dans cette dimension de l’espace social. Sur la lancée, l’étude de la pratique du soccer et de la matérialité du corps de l’immigrant en tant que « fait social total » nous amène à concevoir l’intégration du nouveau venu à la société d’accueil comme la combinaison de l’« extériorité » et de l’« intériorité » responsable des dispositions propres à donner corps à l’intégration. On est fondé à penser que la pratique du sport permet à ses adeptes de nouer avec leurs vis-à-vis des relations sociales qui, leur conférant des positions distinctes et distinctives, permettent de comprendre et d’expliquer l’intégration par les enjeux que cela soulève. Sous ce chef, l’ethnicisation en acte dans ce contexte s’opère sous la médiation du corps conçu comme « vecteur de connaissances », « forme de présentation de soi » (Sayad, 1999, p. 301), et « emblème de l’ethnicité » (Defrance, 2009, p. 26). Le corps, aux yeux des joueurs et des supporteurs, devient objet de représentations fondées sur la performance sportive, le jugement de l’habileté physique et l’attitude personnelle comme indicateurs de la compétence du joueur et, plus généralement, les éléments symboliques nés de l’interaction sociale sur le terrain de jeu comme à l’extérieur. En dernière analyse, le soccer, par sa pratique, fait office de médiation, voire de levier, susceptible d’aplanir les entraves à l’intégration à la société d’accueil sous les traits de l’acculturation. La thèse au programme vient donc enrichir l’explication sociologique du processus d’intégration en contexte multiethnique à la lumière du concept d’habitus afin de concevoir théoriquement la dialectique entre acculturation et incorporation sous les traits d’un jeu de relations objectives en vertu duquel le participant s’y engage de son propre chef, sans être tout à fait conscient que par la pratique il est soumis au jugement social, à l’inculcation de dispositions culturellement légitimes, etc. Il s’en dégage l’hypothèse que le joueur de soccer manifeste la « connaissance par corps » que requiert son intégration à la société dans laquelle il a décidé d’évoluer de son plein gré (Bourdieu, 2003). La pratique sportive se révèle donc une « stratégie identitaire synthétique » susceptible de mettre au diapason son identité et les « conditions objectives d’existence » du milieu auquel il est en passe de s’intégrer (Manço, 1999).

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