Júlio César Jobet e a cultura política do socialismo chileno (1957-1973)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

A unidade política das esquerdas no Uruguai: das primeiras experiências à Frente Ampla (1958-1973)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Riccardo Lombardi nel socialismo italiano (1947-1964)

Il primo capitolo della tesi verte sull’ultimo anno di vita del Partito d’Azione, sulle modalità di partecipazione di Lombardi allo scontro elettorale del 1948 nelle liste del Fronte democratico popolare, e sul breve periodo di direzione ‘centrista’ del Psi a cavallo tra il 1948 e il 1949, quando Lombardi, appena entratovi, fu magna pars nel gruppo dirigente del partito. Il secondo capitolo abbraccia il periodo in cui Lombardi agì all’interno del Psi ‘morandiano’, o frontista: si è cercato di dare ragione sia dell’inserimento di Lombardi nelle logiche del frontismo socialista, sia della peculiarità di quell’inserimento negli ambiti privilegiati della politica economica e della politica estera. Oggetto del terzo capitolo è il ruolo giocato da Lombardi nella definizione delle linee guida dell’autonomismo socialista, un ruolo fattosi via via più pregnante a partire dal 1956, che ebbe la sua massima consacrazione col XXXIV Congresso del Psi, celebrato a Milano nel 1961: centrale in questo periodo la riflessione lombardiana sulle «riforme di struttura», un argomento che ci si è sforzati di inquadrare storicamente, sfuggendo dai luoghi comuni storiografici di cui spesso – con lodevoli eccezioni – è caduto vittima. Tali «riforme di struttura» Lombardi avrebbe voluto alla base dei governi di centro-sinistra. La tesi si chiude con un ultimo capitolo dedicato ad illustrare l’apporto di Lombardi al quarto Governo Fanfani e al primo Governo Moro, il ruolo da lui giocato nella loro nascita e il suo progressivo allontanamento da quell’esperimento che era stato, in gran parte, sua creatura.

Centro-sinistra e autonomia speciale. La DC trentina tra il 1955 e il 1968

La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse “storie” di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d’avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell’alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d’Italia.

Entre la autonomía y la voluntad de poder : El proyecto de intervención a la provincia de Buenos Aires y la ruptura del Partido Socialista en 1927

Este artículo analiza el proceso que, en 1927, desemboca en la ruptura del Partido Socialista (PS) y el nacimiento del Partido Socialista Independiente. Subraya que el contraste entre la importancia numérica de la representación socialista y su escasa incidencia política fue uno de los factores que alentaron tal ruptura. El trabajo describe el surgimiento de una tendencia disidente en torno a la figura de Antonio de Tomaso, y reconstruye las posiciones que el PS sostuvo en torno a las intervenciones provinciales. Aborda luego la propuesta de intervención a la Provincia de Buenos Aires de 1927, y explica cómo el retiro de esta propuesta desencadenó la ruptura de quienes insistían con mantener un proyecto que parecía colocar al Partido Socialista en el centro de la escena política. Finalmente plantea algunas hipótesis acerca del lugar que el PS ocupó en la política argentina de los años 20'

Los socialistas y la Revolución Libertadora. La Vanguardia y los fusilamientos de junio de 1956

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el estudio del comportamiento que adoptó el partido Socialista argentino frente a la Revolución Libertadora. Asimismo, el análisis de la postura que tuvo el periódico La Vanguardia, órgano oficial de aquel, acerca de uno de los acontecimientos emblemáticos del mencionado gobierno de facto, como lo fue el fusilamiento de militares y civiles que participaron de la sublevación de junio de 1956. Se verá, en primer término, cómo los socialistas caracterizaron el fenómeno peronista, para luego indagar acerca del modo en que actuaron durante el período siguiente a su derrocamiento, ocurrido en septiembre de 1955.

Entre la autonomía y la voluntad de poder : El proyecto de intervención a la provincia de Buenos Aires y la ruptura del Partido Socialista en 1927

Este artículo analiza el proceso que, en 1927, desemboca en la ruptura del Partido Socialista (PS) y el nacimiento del Partido Socialista Independiente. Subraya que el contraste entre la importancia numérica de la representación socialista y su escasa incidencia política fue uno de los factores que alentaron tal ruptura. El trabajo describe el surgimiento de una tendencia disidente en torno a la figura de Antonio de Tomaso, y reconstruye las posiciones que el PS sostuvo en torno a las intervenciones provinciales. Aborda luego la propuesta de intervención a la Provincia de Buenos Aires de 1927, y explica cómo el retiro de esta propuesta desencadenó la ruptura de quienes insistían con mantener un proyecto que parecía colocar al Partido Socialista en el centro de la escena política. Finalmente plantea algunas hipótesis acerca del lugar que el PS ocupó en la política argentina de los años 20'

Los socialistas y la Revolución Libertadora. La Vanguardia y los fusilamientos de junio de 1956

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el estudio del comportamiento que adoptó el partido Socialista argentino frente a la Revolución Libertadora. Asimismo, el análisis de la postura que tuvo el periódico La Vanguardia, órgano oficial de aquel, acerca de uno de los acontecimientos emblemáticos del mencionado gobierno de facto, como lo fue el fusilamiento de militares y civiles que participaron de la sublevación de junio de 1956. Se verá, en primer término, cómo los socialistas caracterizaron el fenómeno peronista, para luego indagar acerca del modo en que actuaron durante el período siguiente a su derrocamiento, ocurrido en septiembre de 1955.

Entre la autonomía y la voluntad de poder : El proyecto de intervención a la provincia de Buenos Aires y la ruptura del Partido Socialista en 1927

Este artículo analiza el proceso que, en 1927, desemboca en la ruptura del Partido Socialista (PS) y el nacimiento del Partido Socialista Independiente. Subraya que el contraste entre la importancia numérica de la representación socialista y su escasa incidencia política fue uno de los factores que alentaron tal ruptura. El trabajo describe el surgimiento de una tendencia disidente en torno a la figura de Antonio de Tomaso, y reconstruye las posiciones que el PS sostuvo en torno a las intervenciones provinciales. Aborda luego la propuesta de intervención a la Provincia de Buenos Aires de 1927, y explica cómo el retiro de esta propuesta desencadenó la ruptura de quienes insistían con mantener un proyecto que parecía colocar al Partido Socialista en el centro de la escena política. Finalmente plantea algunas hipótesis acerca del lugar que el PS ocupó en la política argentina de los años 20'

Los socialistas y la Revolución Libertadora. La Vanguardia y los fusilamientos de junio de 1956

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el estudio del comportamiento que adoptó el partido Socialista argentino frente a la Revolución Libertadora. Asimismo, el análisis de la postura que tuvo el periódico La Vanguardia, órgano oficial de aquel, acerca de uno de los acontecimientos emblemáticos del mencionado gobierno de facto, como lo fue el fusilamiento de militares y civiles que participaron de la sublevación de junio de 1956. Se verá, en primer término, cómo los socialistas caracterizaron el fenómeno peronista, para luego indagar acerca del modo en que actuaron durante el período siguiente a su derrocamiento, ocurrido en septiembre de 1955.

Euro-enthusiasm, Euro-rejection, and various shades of grey: The 2014 European Parliament election campaign in the Netherlands. EPIN Commentary No. 18, 29 April 2014

With less than a month to go to the European Parliament (EP) election in the Netherlands on May 22nd, the campaign has barely kicked off. It remains to be seen whether the campaign will address concrete EU policies in a palatable way and whether all parties are able to present clear visions about the future of the European Union. The traditional mainstream parties (the Christian Democratic CDA, Liberal VVD and Social Democratic PvdA) all agree that EU membership is essentially beneficial to the Netherlands, but are careful to stress the shortcomings of the EU in its present form. The parties outside the traditional three that can be expected to do well adopt a more outspoken position on European integration. These include the pro-European Democrats 66 (D66), the Eurosceptic Socialist Party (SP), and the Euroreject Freedom Party (PVV). Yet, reasons for their success should probably not be sought mainlyin their positions on European integration, but rather more in the unpopularity of the incumbent parties and the „second order‟ character of EP elections.

2002 Parliamentary elections in Ukraine: Events, results and consequences; Ukraine's Parliamentary system after the elections. OSW Study 8/2003

2002 elections: On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters. After the election: The dominant force in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada, elected in March 2002, are the deputies of "One Ukraine", a fraction of the pro-presidential centre. "One Ukraine" has refused to admit any of the opposition's representatives (either from the right or left wings) into the parliament's presidium, but has accepted opposition-appointed heads of many parliamentary commissions. Viktor Yuschenko's "Our Ukraine", which has been the largest parliamentary fraction since June, attempted to proclaim itself the centre of the parliamentary majority, but its policy was awkward and inconsistent, and the main success of this club was that it didn't break up. Viktor Yuschenko's moves have been particularly incoherent and they undermined the image of Yuschenko as Ukraine's future leader, created throughout the course of the electoral campaign. In autumn, the main oligarchic groups and their representative fractions ("One Ukraine", which proved to be a useless instrument, was dissolved in June), reached a compromise with the president. It was agreed that the new prime minister should be a Donetsk clan representative (Viktor Yanukovych), and that the Dnipropetrovsk clan should appoint the president of the National Bank of Ukraine (this position went to Serhij Tihipko). The Kyiv clan obtained the President's Administration (Viktor Medvedchuk was appointed in spring) and a considerable number of parliamentary commissions. The president's interests in the government are to be protected by Mykola Azarov, former Head of the State Tax Administration. This compromise "package" was designed to secure the shares of the main oligarchic clans in the power and the president's strong position as mediator.

The future of the Franco-German tandem. OSW Commentary No. 83, 2012-07-11

Following the victories of François Hollande in the presidential election and the Socialist Party in the parliamentary election, the existing model of relations between Germany and France as symbolised by the Merkel-Sarkozy duo is undergoing a transformation. Along with the defeat for Sarkozy, who had fostered close cooperation with the German Chancellor, we are witnessing a change in the German-French modus operandi, which was based on making confidential agreements concerning the anti-crisis measures in the eurozone and then presenting ready-made solutions to other EU members (as in the case of the successive versions of the document currently known as the fiscal pact). However, a conflict in bilateral relations, which would mean a total breakdown of the Franco-German engine, is rather unlikely. In fact, François Hollande’s proposals have diminished the appearance of the two states’ exceptional compatibility, and have restored the specific relationship affected by the natural rivalry between two states, who because of their economies’ different orientation have divergent interests. Nevertheless, both sides are destined to reach a compromise, as neither can attain its goals in the face of the other’s opposition. In the long term, Hollande is likely to maintain a common front with Germany in fighting the crisis, while at the same time trying (with his allies from the south of the EU) to limit Berlin’s political and economic superiority.

Western clarion.

Description based on: No. 535 (July 10, 1909).

The impact of political and economic crisis on the polarization of the Spanish media

In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.