959 resultados para Ragin, Charles C.: Fuzzy-set social science


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This article refines Lipsky’s (1980) assertion that lacking resources negatively affect output performance. It uses fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis to analyse the nuanced interplay of contextual and individual determinants of the output performance of veterinary inspectors as street-level bureaucrats in Switzerland. Moving ‘beyond Lipsky’, the study builds on recent theoretical contributions and a systematic comparison across organizational contexts. Against a widespread assumption, output performance is not all about the resources. The impact of perceived available resources hinges on caseloads, which prove to be more decisive. These contextual factors interact with individual attitudes emerging from diverse public accountabilities. The results contextualize the often-emphasized importance of worker-client interaction. In a setting where clients cannot escape the interaction, street-level bureaucrats are not primarily held accountable by them. Studies of output performance should thus sensibly consider gaps between what is being demanded of and offered to street-level bureaucrats, and the latter’s multiple embeddedness.

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"Montaigne oder die Funktion der Skepsis" (GS 4, S.236-194), veröffentlicht in: Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung VII, 1938, S.1-54, englische Fassung des Aufsatzes, Typoskript, 69 Blatt; Exzerpte: Montaigne im Urteil der Nachwelt, Typoskripte, 29 Blatt; handschriftliche Stichworte zu Montaigne, 10 Blatt; 2 Zeitungsausschnitte; Leihscheine der Columbia University Library für Bücher über Montaigne; "Die Juden und Europa" (GS 4, S.308-331), veröffentlicht in: Studies in Philosophy and Social Science VIII, 1939, S. 115-137, a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 31 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 32 Blatt, c) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 27 Blatt, d) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, Teilstücke, 16 Blatt, e) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 20 Blatt, f) überholte Formulierungen, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 10 Blatt; Bemerkungen zum Verhältnis von Liberalismus und Antisemitismus, a) Typoskript, 4 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 9 Blatt (als Nachbemerkung zu: Ernst Engelberg: Exzerpt zu W. Frank und W. Grau), Typoskript, 1 Blatt; Exzerpte zu: Alvin Johnson, Honoré de Balzac, Guy de Maupassant, Paul Mahn, Marcel Proust, Anatole France, Marcel le Goff, Emile Zola, Typoskripte, 58 Blatt; Otto Kirchheimer: "Produktionswandel und Konzentrationstendenzen im Bankgewerbe", Typoskript, 2 Blatt; eigenhändige Adressennotiz, 1 Blatt; Otto Kirchheimer: "Reprivatisierungstendenzen des Faschismus", Typoskript mit eigenhändiger Ergänzung, 12 Blatt; Zeitungsausschnitte zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, 1938, 8 Blatt;

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The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, social scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by examining the four major decisions toward European integration during de Gaulle's presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Foucher Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in the "Luxembourg Compromise." In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence-speeches, memoirs, or government documents-suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interesred in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations--even in the "least likely" case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leader's geopolitical ideology--even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary-source research.

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The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, political scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by the four major decisions toward European integration taken under de Gaulle's Presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Fouchet Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in Luxembourg Compromise. In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence speeches, memoirs, or government documents suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interested in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations even in the least likely case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leaders geopolitical ideology even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary source research.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Editors: 1890-95, E. J. James; 1896-1900, R. P. Falkner; Jan. 1901-Mar. 1902, H. R. Seager; May 1902-Sept. 1914, E. R. Johnson; Nov. 1914-July 1929, C. L/ King; Sept. 1929- T. Sellin.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Published in 1844 under the title: A concise exposition of the doctrine of association.

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Some papers issued in this set were also published in its Annals.

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Bibliography: p. 303-308.

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Includes index.