The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

Evolución de las políticas comerciales: versión preliminar

Incluye Bibliografía

Istmo Centroamericano: estadísticas del sector manufacturero y de la industria de exportación (datos actualizados a 2007)

Incluye Bibliografía

Caribbean policy response to the information age: a review of government information and communications technology policy and services in selected Caribbean countries

Includes bibliography

Report on the production of trade statistics in the Caribbean region

Includes bibliography

Meeting held on engendering macroeconomic policy

.--Home.--Meeting on engendering macroeconomic policy.--Are macroeconomic policies gender neutral?.--Women, Men and Poverty.--UNDP support for a gender-responsive macroeconomic development planning in the Caribbean.--COMMENTARY: Males and females are victims of marginalisation.--Legislative reform project on Family Law and Domestic Violence.--Gender Focal Points in regional organisations and institutions.

QUALITY OF MATERNITY CARE IN RURAL TEXAS (MEXICAN-AMERICAN)

The purpose of the study was to describe regionalized systems of perinatal care serving predominantly low income Mexican-American women in rural underserved areas of Texas. The study focused upon ambulatory care; however, it provided a vehicle for examination of the health care system. The questions posed at the onset of the study included: (1) How well do regional organizations with various patterns of staffing and funding levels perform basic functions essential to ambulatory perinatal care? (2) Is there a relationship between the type of organization, its performance, and pregnancy outcome? (3) Are there specific recommendations which might improve an organization's future performance?^ A number of factors--including maldistribution of resources and providers, economic barriers, inadequate means of transportation, and physician resistance to transfer of patients between levels of care--have impeded the development of regionalized systems of perinatal health care, particularly in rural areas. However, studies have consistently emphasized the role of prenatal care in the early detection of risk and treatment of complications of pregnancy and childbirth, with subsequent improvement in pregnancy outcomes.^ This study has examined the "system" of perinatal care in rural areas, utilizing three basic regional models--preventive care, limited primary care, and fully primary care. Information documented in patient clinical records was utilized to compare the quality of ambulatory care provided in the three regional models.^ The study population included 390 women who received prenatal care in one of the seven study clinics. They were predominantly hispanic, married, of low income, with a high proportion of teenagers and women over 35. Twenty-eight percent of the women qualified as migrants.^ The major findings of the study are listed below: (1) Almost half of the women initiated care in the first trimester. (2) Three-fourths of the women had or exceeded the recommended number of prenatal visits. (3) There was a low rate of clinical problem recognition. Additional follow-up is needed to determine the reasons. (4) Cases with a tracer condition had significantly more visits with monitoring of the clinical condition. (5) Almost 90% of all referrals were completed. (6) Only 60% of mothers had postpartum follow-up, while almost 90% of their newborns received care. (7) The incidence of infants weighing 2500 grams or less was 4.2%. ^

International Conciliation, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. COMECON, No. 549, September 1964

The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance is the least known of all the regional organizations. This is attributable partly to the fact that it was largely dormant from its inception in 1949 until the late 1950s and partly to the scattered and fragmentary nature of information on its activities. The present article is an attempt to bring available knowledge into focus for a coherent pioture of the organization that "will probably play an increasing role in the economic development of East Central Europe." COMECON is of interest not only because of its importance as one of the regional bodies shaping a network of relations among European countries. Its interest lies also in the light it throws on the particular problems faced by centrally planned economies when they try to integrate and in its demonstration that international organizations have a life of their own.

1977 census of governments.

v. 1. no. 1. Governmental organization. no. 2. Popularly elected officials -- v. 2. Taxable property values and assessment/sales price ratios -- v. 3. no. 1. Employment of major local governments. no. 2. Compendium of public employment. no. 3. Labor management relations in state and local governments -- v. 4. no. 1 Finances of school districts. no. 2 Finances of special districts. no. 3. Finances of county governments. no. 4. Finances of municipalities and township governments. no. 5. Compendium of government finances -- v. 5. Local government in metropolitan areas -- v. 6. no. 1. Employee retirement systems of state and local governments. no. 3. State payments to local governments. no. 4. Historical statistics on governmental finances and employment. no. 5. Graphic summary of the 1977 census of governments. no. 6. Regional organizations -- v. 7. Guide to 1977 census of governments.

The EU an actor sui generis? A Comparison of EU and ASEAN actorness

The core argument of this article is to advocate the recognition of regional organizations as international actors. Conceptions of the European Union (EU) as an international actor are not new. However, a great deal of the literature regards the EU as sui generis in nature and lacking in external capabilities when compared to nation-states. Other regional organizations, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) fare even worse. This article notes that we need to move beyond a state-centric view of world politics to assess the actor capabilities, nascent or advanced, of other players in the global arena, particularly regional organizations.

A regionalizmus három generációja Latin-Amerikában (Three generations of regionalism in Latin America)

A szerző a Budapesti Corvinus Egyetem Nemzetközi Tanulmányok Intézetének tanársegéde. Tanulmánya a regionalizmus jelenségét vizsgálja Latin-Amerikában, célja az egyes generációk létrejöttének és legfőbb jellemzőinek felvázolása, illetve a jelenleg működő latin-amerikai integrációs tömörülések eredményeinek és legfontosabb kihívásainak vizsgálata. A cikk rávilágít a latin-amerikai alrégiók mentén megalakult csoportok belső integrációja, illetve a más régiókkal való interregionális törekvések közötti szoros összefüggésre, azok kölcsönhatására. A szerző éppen ezért a regionális tömörülések eredményei mellett kitér az egyes latin-amerikai alrégiók más – fejlett és fejlődő világbeli – régiókkal kiépített kapcsolataira is. ______ The paper examines initiatives aimed at regional integration in Latin-America in order to identify the main characteristics of the three generations of regionalism on the continent, as well as show what the main results and challenges are of today's regional organizations. The paper demonstrates that there is an interesting link between the level of integration within the various regional groupings and their interregional contacts with other regions. The author also examines the relations of Latin-American sub-regions with other regions of the world, both developed and developing.

The integraton by trade and FDI of emerging economies: The ASEAN example

The paper investigates the role of regionalization and regional identity in the endeavours of emerging economies to connect successfully to the global world economy. It addresses the question of whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with its loose institutional integration framework, has contributed to the global integration of its very heterogenous members in the first decade of the 21st century – and, if so, what are the drivers behind this. The paper summarizes connecting theories, using a multidisciplinary approach, and uses descriptive statistical analysis to identify the achievements of the ASEAN-6 countries within global trade and foreign direct invesment (FDI) flows in the given time period. We suggest that ASEAN countries, with their efforts to initiate interconnecting regional organizations in Asia, most specifically the ASEAN+3 (APT) construction, did contribute to greater integratedness of member countries; and they have created a regional image with a common market and production base. Such achievements, however, can be in great part attributed to the micro-level activities of international and regional firms wishing to establish cross-border production networks in these countries.

The integration by trade and FDI of emerging economies: The Asian example

The paper investigates the role of regionalization and regional identity in the endeavours of emerging economies to connect successfully to the global world economy. It addresses the question of whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with its loose institutional integration framework, has contributed to the global integration of its very heterogenous members in the first decade of the 21st century – and, if so, what are the drivers behind this. The paper summarizes connecting theories, using a multidisciplinary approach, and uses descriptive statistical analysis to identify the achievements of the ASEAN-6 countries within global trade and foreign direct invesment (FDI) flows in the given time period. We suggest that ASEAN countries, with their efforts to initiate interconnecting regional organizations in Asia, most specifically the ASEAN+3 (APT) construction, did contribute to greater integratedness of member countries; and they have created a regional image with a common market and production base. Such achievements, however, can be in great part attributed to the micro-level activities of international and regional firms wishing to establish cross-border production networks in these countries.

Organized labor and U.S. foreign policy: The Solidarity Center in historical context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.