979 resultados para RACIAL-DISCRIMINATION


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Até meados da década de 1970 buscou-se decifrar o lugar social ocupado pelo pardo na sociedade brasileira. Contudo, os estudos mais recentes se caracterizaram, com algumas exceções, pelo silenciamento em torno das especificidades desse grupo. Pretos e pardos têm sido agrupados em uma mesma categoria para fins de análise de desigualdades e discriminação racial. No entanto, se os pardos estão extremamente próximos dos pretos no que toca os seus índices socioeconômicos, chances de mobilidade social e vitimização pela discriminação, eles estão muito distantes dos pretos em sua percepção do preconceito e da discriminação de que são vítimas. Para esse grupo, o nexo entre a cor e a discriminação não parece nem um pouco evidente. A presente tese retoma os pardos como tema de reflexão e investiga as razões pelas quais eles parecem ser discriminados em intensidade próxima à dos pretos, mas não reportam a discriminação no mesmo grau. A partir da produção de análises originais de dados quantitativos e surveys sobre racismo, encontro respaldo para algumas explicações não mutuamente excludentes para esse fenômeno: (1) o binarismo das linguagens racista e antirracista no Brasil, que exclui os pardos do debate público, (2) os problemas metodológicos dos surveys sobre discriminação racial, (3) a presença ideário da morenidade na identidade e autoimagem dos brasileiros pardos, (4) as peculiaridades da sociabilidade entre pretos, pardos e brancos, (5) o caráter ambivalente dos estereótipos que incidem sobre os pardos e, finalmente, (6) uma porosidade maior das elites brancas em relação a esses indivíduos. A partir da elaboração de um modelo alternativo de mensuração da percepção da discriminação, baseado na Escala de Discriminação Cotidiana, demonstro que pretos e pardos de classes mais baixas têm percepções mais parecidas de atitudes discriminatórias, enquanto aqueles que atingem as classes médias e elites passam a divergir: os pretos passam a reportar mais intensamente a discriminação, enquanto os pardos praticamente cessam de senti-la. Sustento que o racismo ambivalente brasileiro funciona de modo a barrar a mobilidade social tanto de pretos como de pardos, mas que os estereótipos e atitudes a que ele está relacionado penalizam mais severamente os pretos que ascendem socialmente do que os pardos.

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Problems with Australia's racial vilification laws - s 18C of the Commonwealth's Racial Discrimination Act - free speech and public interest defences under the Racial Discrimination Act as well as State and Territory racial vilification laws - impact of free speech cases on the content of the racial vilification defences.

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While studies investigating the health effects of racial discrimination for children and youth have examined a range of effect modifiers, to date, relationships between experiences of racial discrimination, student attitudes, and health outcomes remain unexplored. This study uniquely demonstrates the moderating effects of vicarious racism and motivated fairness on the association between direct experiences of racism and mental health outcomes, specifically depressive symptoms and loneliness, among primary and secondary school students. Across seven schools, 263 students (54.4% female), ranging from 8 to 17 years old (M = 11.2, SD = 2.2) reported attitudes about other racial/ethnic groups and experiences of racism. Students from minority ethnic groups (determined by country of birth) reported higher levels of loneliness and more racist experiences relative to the majority group students. Students from the majority racial/ethnic group reported higher levels of loneliness and depressive symptoms if they had more friends from different racial/ethnic groups, whereas the number of friends from different groups had no effect on minority students' loneliness or depressive symptoms. Direct experiences of racism were robustly related to higher loneliness and depressive symptoms in multivariate regression models. However, the association with depressive symptoms was reduced to marginal significance when students reported low motivated fairness. Elaborating on the negative health effects of racism in primary and secondary school students provides an impetus for future research and the development of appropriate interventions.

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The Localities Embracing and Accepting Diversity (LEAD) program aimed to improve the mental health of Aboriginal Victorians by addressing racial discrimination and facilitating social and economic participation. As part of LEAD, Whittlesea Council adopted the Aboriginal Employment Pathways Strategy (AEPS) to increase Aboriginal employment and retention within the organisation. The Aboriginal Cultural Awareness Training Program was developed to build internal cultural competency and skills in recruiting and retaining Aboriginal staff. Analysis of surveys conducted before (pre; n=124) and after (post; n=107) the training program indicated a significant increase in participant understanding across all program objectives and in support of organisational policies to improve Aboriginal recruitment and retention. Participants ended the training with concrete ideas about intended changes, as well as how these changes could be supported by their supervisors and the wider organisation. Significant resources have since been allocated to implementing the AEPS over 5 years. In line with principles underpinning the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan 2013-23, particularly the focus on addressing racism as a determinant of health, this paper explores the AEPS and training program as promising approaches to health promotion through addressing barriers to Aboriginal employment. Possible implications for other large organisations are also considered.

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Although research on discrimination and health has progressed significantly, it has tended to focus on racial discrimination and US populations. This study explored different types of discrimination, their interactions and associations with common mental disorders among Brazilian university students, in Rio de Janeiro in 2010. Associations between discrimination and common mental disorders were examined using multiple logistic regression models, adjusted for confounders. Interactions between discrimination and socio-demographics were tested. Discrimination attributed to age, class and skin color/race were the most frequently reported. In a fully adjusted model, discrimination attributed to skin color/race and class were both independently associated with increased odds of common mental disorders. The simultaneous reporting of skin color/race, class and age discrimination was associated with the highest odds ratio. No significant interactions were found. Skin color/race and class discrimination were important, but their simultaneous reporting, in conjunction with age discrimination, were associated with the highest occurrence of common mental disorders.

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PURPOSE: Discrimination is a social determinant of health; however, the pathways linking discrimination to ill-health are under-researched. This study investigated the mediators through which discrimination affects health behaviours and physical health outcomes, as well as assessed whether sex moderated these mechanisms. METHODS: Data from a representative survey (n = 1023) of undergraduate students enrolled in a Brazilian university in 2012 were used. Structural equation models were applied to assess the following mediation mechanisms--(1) discrimination influences self-rated health and body mass index via anxiety/depression; (2) discrimination affects behaviours (alcohol consumption, problem drinking, smoking, fruit/vegetable consumption, and physical activity) through discomfort associated with discriminatory experiences. The potential of sex to act as an effect-modifying variable was also explored in each of the postulated pathways. RESULTS: The effect of discrimination on self-rated poor health was totally (100.0%) mediated by anxiety/depression, while body mass index was not correlated with discrimination. Self-reported discrimination was associated with some behaviours via discomfort. Particularly, discomfort partially mediated the positive association between discrimination, leisure time physical activity (43.3%), and fruit/vegetable consumption (52.2%). Sex modified the association between discrimination, discomfort and physical activity in that such mechanism (more discrimination → more discomfort → more physical activity) was statistically significant in the entire sample and among females, but not among males. CONCLUSIONS: This is one of the first studies to demonstrate that discrimination is associated with physical health outcomes and behaviours via distinct pathways. Future investigations should further explicate the mediational pathways between discrimination and key health outcomes.

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This work aims at presenting the historical and social path traversed in Brazil since slavery until the implementation of affirmative public policies to promote racial equality, at the local level, in the municipality of Presidente Prudente-SP. Therefore, the starting point was the equal rights guaranteed by the Constitution. As a result, there was a brief historical path of national trajectory, starting from slavery to the so-called cordial racism, seeking to demonstrate the route of racial discrimination in the country. Later, we made notes about the necessity and debate on public policy statements of various fields, were made explicit in the text and the articles of the Constitution which prescribe the crime of racism and some of the situations that were highlighted in the national media. The focus in the city of Presidente Prudente was through historical research, interviews, photographic records and documents that informed about the presence of black people in the city. From these data, based on previous research, it was possible to trace the formation and development of the Black Movement in the city and thus point the way to the formation of this City Council for Racial Equality and the need for application of affirmative action policies for the municipality by hereby. Data from the 2000 Census and 2010 indicate the demand of Presidente Prudente as the percentage of blacks self-declared grew this decade. The main demands are paring the areas of Health since the rate of black women Administrative Region (RA) of Presidente Prudente who die in puerperium and high; Education through enhanced, by the Municipal Education Law No. 10,639, and due attention to african-Brazilian culture by respecting the religious manifestations of African origin among others... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

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A presente pesquisa se baseia na teoria crítica da branquidade, especificamente no que concerne aos elementos mais evidenciados da formação da identidade Branca, para realizar uma análise, por amostra, da tendência das demandas judiciais e julgamentos jurisprudenciais acerca da conduta de discriminação racial, prevista na legislação brasileira. Tendo em vista que as decisões dos tribunais a respeito desse tema se mostram bastantes controversas, os elementos da branquidade são trazidos a esse trabalho com a finalidade de contribuir com a tarefa dos operadores do direito de realizar a interpretação sobre dúvidas, dubiedades, lacunas e questionamentos sobre a eficácia da implementação da norma em reduzir as manifestações do racismo.

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This article advocates for a fundamental re-understanding about the way that the history of race is understood by the current Supreme Court. Represented by the racial rights opinions of Justice John Roberts that celebrate racial progress, the Supreme Court has equivocated and rendered obsolete the historical experiences of people of color in the United States. This jurisprudence has in turn reified the notion of color-blindness, consigning racial discrimination to a distant and discredited past that has little bearing to how race and inequality is experienced today. The racial history of the Roberts Court is centrally informed by the context and circumstances surrounding Brown v. Board of Education. For the Court, Brown symbolizes all that is wrong with the history of race in the United States - legal segregation, explicit racial discord, and vicious and random acts of violence. Though Roberts Court opinions suggest that some of those vestiges still exits, the bulk of its jurisprudence indicate the opposite. With Brown’s basic factual premises as its point of reference, the Court has consistently argued that the nation has made tremendous strides away from the condition of racial bigotry, intolerance, and inequity. The article accordingly argues that the Roberts Court reliance on Brown to understand racial progress is anachronistic. Especially as the nation’s focus for racial inequality turned national in scope, the same binaries in Brown that had long served to explain the history of race relations in the United States (such as Black-White, North-South, and Urban-Rural) were giving way to massive multicultural demographic and geographic transformations in the United States in the years and decades after World War II. All of the familiar tropes so clear in Brown and its progeny could no longer fully describe the current reality of shifting and transforming patterns of race relations in the United States. In order to reclaim the history of race from the Roberts Court, the article assesses a case that more accurately symbolizes the recent history and current status of race relations today: Keyes v. School District No. 1. This was the first Supreme Court case to confront how the binaries of cases like Brown proved of little probative value in addressing how and in what ways race and racial discrimination was changing in the United States. Thus, understanding Keyesand the history it reflects reveals much about how and in what ways the Roberts Court should rethink its conclusions regarding the history of race relations in the United States for the last 60 years.

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Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.

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Perceived discrimination is associated with increased engagement in unhealthy behaviors. We propose an identity-based pathway to explain this link. Drawing on an identity-based motivation model of health behaviors (Oyserman, Fryberg, & Yoder, 2007), we propose that erceptions of discrimination lead individuals to engage in ingroup-prototypical behaviors in the service of validating their identity and creating a sense of ingroup belonging. To the extent that people perceive unhealthy behaviors as ingroup-prototypical, perceived discrimination may thus increase motivation to engage in unhealthy behaviors. We describe our theoretical model and two studies that demonstrate initial support for some paths in this model. In Study 1, African American participants who reflected on racial discrimination were more likely to endorse unhealthy ingroup-prototypical behavior as self-characteristic than those who reflected on a neutral event. In Study 2, among African American participants who perceived unhealthy behaviors to be ingroup-prototypical, discrimination predicted greater endorsement of unhealthy behaviors as self-characteristic as compared to a control condition. These effects held both with and without controlling for body mass index (BMI) and income. Broader implications of this model for how discrimination adversely affects health-related decisions are discussed.

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This paper evaluate the hypothesis that race is a determining factor in access to quality employment in Colombia during 2007 -- Using data from the Large Integrated Household Survey (2007-I), we estimate a generalized ordered logit model -- The results provide evidence that individuals self-identified as Afrocolombian have a higher probability of being in a low quality job than other Colombians -- This probability is higher by 1.9% in Cali, 3.4% in Bogotá, 12.6% in Barranquilla, 1.8% in Cartagena, 1.1% in Medellin and 3.8% overall in these five cities, results that could indicate that there is racial discrimination against Afrocolombians in the Colombian labor market

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En el presente trabajo se estudian los límites de la autonomía privada desde la perspectiva del derecho a la igualdad y del principio de no discriminación tanto en el derecho norteamericano como en el europeo, con especial incidencia a la doctrina española. Por un lado se plantea si la piedra angular a la hora de establecer límites a la autonomía privada debe ser el concepto de dignidad o el de igualdad, por otro superando dicho debate se propone un acercamiento al problema entendido como una colisión entre derechos fundamentales en la que en cada concreto supuesto ha de estudiarse cual debe prevalecer. Finalmente se estima conveniente seguir el modelo de la Constitución de Sudáfrica y entender que los derechos fundamentales afectan directamente tanto a las relaciones horizontales como verticales, es decir tanto al ámbito público como privado.