The public life of the Right Honourable the Earl of Beaconsfield, K.G., etc., etc.,

Mode of access: Internet.

Life in ancient Athens; the social and public life of a classical Athenian from day to day,

Mode of access: Internet.

Personal recollections of poets, philosophers and statesmen : being 1,001 anecdotes of life in New England, and of the great and eccentric characters celebrated in her history fifty years ago : also giving numerous anecdotes concerning the private life and secret history of many personages illustrious in American public life during the first half of the present century : and an account of men and things I saw in Europe /

Includes index.

Life and letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first earl of Minto, from 1751 to 1806, when his public life in Europe was closed by his appointment to the vice-royalty of India.

Mode of access: Internet.

Memorials of the public life and character of the Rt. Hon. James Oswald of Dunnikier contained in a correspondence with some of the most distinguished men of the last century.

Mode of access: Internet.

The life of Miss Anne Catley, celebrated singing performer of the last century : including an account of her introduction to public life, her professional engagements in London and Dublin, and her various adventuresand intrigues.

Mode of access: Internet.

Chapters from Imperial Washington: The story of American public life from 1870 to 1920,

Mode of access: Internet.

Graphic satire and public life in the age of terror

This paper investigates media representations of international insecurity through a selection of newspaper cartoons from some of the major daily Australian broadsheets. Since 2001, cartoonists such as Bruce Petty, John Spooner and Bill Leak (in The Age and The Australian) have provided an ongoing and vehement critique of the Australian government’s policies of ‘border protection’, the ‘war on terror’ and the words of mass distraction associated with Australia joining the war in Iraq. Cartoonists are often said to represent the ‘citizen’s perspective’ of public life through their graphic satire on the editorial pages of our daily newspapers. Increasingly, they can also be seen to be fulfilling the role of public intellectuals, defined by Richard A. Posner as ‘someone whose place it is publicly to raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted by governments and corporations’. Cartoonists enjoy an independence and freedom from censorship that is rarely extended to their journalistic colleagues in the print media and it is this independence that is the vital component in their being categorised as public intellectuals. Their role is to ‘question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb people’s mental habits, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions’ (Posner, 2003: 31). With this useful — if generalised — definition in mind, the paper considers how cartoonists have contributed to debates concerning international insecurity in public life since 2001.

Religion, Democracy and the Public Sphere

Throughout the development and maturation of the American democratic experience, religiously inspired conduct has contributed significantly to democratically progressive political concerns such as the abolition of slavery and campaigns for civil rights, but also the encouragement and perpetuation pf anti-democratic practices such as the institution of slavery and policies of racial segregation. It may be rarely admitted, but there is no essential conceptual affinity between conduct proper to democratic political association. It may, therefore, be useful in our own political circumstances to try to determine boundaries for conduct that expresses and satisfies compatibly both religious and democratic commitments. Perhaps most Americans do recognize – if not in their own cases, at least in reference to the beliefs and actions of others – that religiously inspired conduct is neither thereby justified morally or legally nor absolved from further critical appraisal. Certainly, the history of American legal practice shows that religious belief or inspiration does not serve as acceptable legal defense for conduct charged as criminal infraction. The U.S. Constitution contains only two references to religion: the non-establishment clause prohibits governmental institutionalization of religious beliefs or liberty rights – is limited in scope and application both by other constitutional rights of individuals and by constitutionally authorized powers of government. As the U.S.S.C. has repeatedly held, individual constitutional features must be understood in a manner that harmonizes all stated and implied constitutional features, not by unbridled abstractions of selected phrases. Under the American legal system, there is no absolute or unlimited right to free exercise of religion: not everything done publicly under religious inspiration is legally permissible; what is otherwise illegal conduct is not legalized by religious inspiration. In important respects, general features of the legal boundaries concerning religiously inspired conduct in public life are reasonably clear; nevertheless, broader issues concerning further moral or ethical constraints upon religiously inspired conduct remain unresolved and rarely addressed explicitly.

Redefining Urban Alleywalls: Urban Design for Active Public Space in Maynard Alley, Chinatown-International District, Seattle

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Mulheres em movimento : identidade coletiva e subjetividade nas praticas culturais de lazer na cidade de Diadema

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Dress for Dissent: Reading the Almost Unreadable

The changing ways of clothing in Australia, which has communicated disaffection within the public sphere, is enquired. The relationship between clothes as protested in everyday public life, and those exceptional, socially disruptive clothes on view at specific protest gatherings, are also explored. It is shown that dissident dress in the 1980s demonstrated a greater degree of solidarity in its radical difference from mainstream dress of 2000s. It is suggested that building on reconceptualised notion of protest dressing as process not fixity, the relationship of dissident dress to the mainstream has become, for the most part, less dichotomous.

Postmaterialist and economic voting in Australia, 1990-98

Recent research in Australian sociology and political science has debated the extent to which postmaterialist values and economic self-interest shape voting in federal elections. Some researchers have argued that postmaterialist values have partly displaced materialist concerns with physical security and economic well-being in Australian public life. This displacement, coupled with the adoption by major political parties of postmaterialist 'quality of life' issues such as the environment, has meant that voting in Australia has come to be more dependent on postmaterialist values than on perceptions of economic interest. Other research, however, has found no relationship between postmaterialist values and voting behaviour, while economic evaluations remain a strong determinant of voting behaviour. Part of the disagreement reflects methodological differences in the research. But different methodological problems compromise each of the previous studies. In this paper we use data from the 1990, 1993, 1996 and 1998 Australian Election Studies to investigate postmaterialist and economic voting in the Commonwealth House of Representatives and the Senate. Using various statistical methods, we first explore bivariate relationships between key variables and then use multivariate models of postmaterialist and economic voting to adjudicate between the contending positions.

Normas de conduta para a vida p??blica

Texto conhecido como "Relat??rio Nolan", publicado originalmente na Gr??-Bretanha em 1995, aborda temas relativos aos padr??es de comportamento ??tico dos servidores p??blicos e dos pol??ticos, parlamentares e altos dirigentes de governo. O relat??rio est?? estruturado em quatro cap??tulos compreendendo: no primeiro, a introdu????o do tema; no segundo, quest??es sobre os parlamentares; no terceiro, quest??es sobre ministros e servidores; e no quarto, sobre os "quangos" (??rg??os p??blicos n??o-estatais).

Vinte anos: parabéns IPCA!

art. 73º da Constituição quanto aos fins do conhecimento: “2. O Estado promove a democratização da educação e as demais condições para que a educação, realizada através da escola e de outros meios formativos, contribua para a igualdade de oportunidades, a superação das desigualdades económicas, sociais e culturais, o desenvolvimento da personalidade e do espírito de tolerância, de compreensão mútua, de solidariedade e de responsabilidade, para o progresso social e para a participação democrática na vida colectiva.” § Abstract: art. 73 of the Constitution as to the purposes of knowledge: "2. The State shall promote the democratization of education and the other conditions that enable education, both at school and elsewhere, to contribute to equality of opportunities, overcoming the economic, social and cultural inequalities, the development of personality and spirit tolerance, mutual understanding, solidarity and responsibility, to social progress and to democratic participation in public life. ".