997 resultados para Prostitution women


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Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux expériences de femmes en processus de sortie de la prostitution. Il vise à comprendre les obstacles auxquels ces femmes sont confrontées pour pouvoir bénéficier d’interventions sociales accessibles et facilitant leur sortie de la prostitution. Cette recherche qualitative prend appui sur 11 entretiens individuels réalisés auprès de femmes âgées de 26 à 55 ans et habitant Montréal, les Laurentides et l’Abitibi. Bien que nombre de femmes aux prises avec la prostitution souhaitent en sortir, on compte peu d’interventions sociales pour les aider en ce sens. Les services publics sont largement insuffisants à la fois du point de vue de leur accessibilité et de leur réponse aux besoins de ces femmes. Peu d’études s’intéressent aux services d’aide à la sortie de la prostitution, notamment au Québec. Ce mémoire privilégie une perspective féministe abolitionniste et un cadre épistémologique de la théorie standpoint. Les résultats mettent en lumière les obstacles à l’accessibilité des interventions sociales, dont le cloisonnement des services et le refus manifeste d’offrir de l’aide aux femmes. Cette recherche rend compte également de l’expérience de pratiques d’intervention entravant le processus de sortie : 1) les pratiques punitives, 2) celles proposant une aide limitée aux femmes ou 3) leur adaptation à la prostitution. La conclusion de ce mémoire propose la mise en œuvre de pratiques sociales novatrices qui prennent en compte les contraintes sociales qui mènent les femmes à l’industrie du sexe et les y maintiennent ainsi que les conséquences de l’expérience même de la prostitution sur elles.

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Ce mémoire vise à explorer les manières dont les discours autour de la sexualité furent créés et comment ils ont circulé dans les médias québécois suite à la décision de la Cour suprême du Canada en décembre 2013 de réviser les articles de loi en matière de prostitution (Canada (Procureur général) c. Bedford, 2013 CSC 72). En mobilisant une analyse de discours tout en puisant dans la théorie féministe afin de conceptualiser la sexualité en ce qui concerne les systèmes de classes sexuelles et de dynamiques sexuelles, l’analyse suivante aborde des discours rivaux dans un cadre temporel qui suit l'invalidation des lois jusqu'au dépôt du projet de loi C-36 présenté par le Parti conservateur. Les discours déployés dans les médias et les systèmes de régulation qu’ils entraînent (voix privilégiées, couverture orientée, débats encadrés etc.) aident à mettre de l’avant certaines idées autour de la sexualité tout en les normalisant. Par l’entremise de nombreux sujets sociaux (des politicien-nes, des groupes de femmes, des universitaires, des femmes prostituées et des avocat-es), les discours rivaux articulés autour de la morale et du choix en matière de sexualité ont nourri un débat public construit sur un antagonisme semblable à celui exprimé lors des sex wars féministes. Ce mémoire comprend ces discours encadrés au sein du débat sur la prostitution comme étant constitutifs dans la compréhension des systèmes actuels de sexualité et de classes sexuelles.

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This thesis is an attempt to explore the problems faced by Indian Women and to examine the ways in which the human rights of women could be better protected in the light of international movements with special reference to national legislation and judicial decisions.The evolution of human rights from early period to Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 is traced in the first chapter. The second chapter deals with the evolution of human rights in India. The evolution of fundamental rights and directive principles and the role played by the Indian Judiciary in enforcing the human rights enumerated in various international instruments dealing with human rights are also dealt with in this chapter. The rights guaranteed to women under the various international documents have been dealt with in the third chapter.It is noticed that the international documents have had their impact in India leading to creation of machinery for protection of human rights. Organised violations of women's rights such as prostitution, devadasi system, domestic violence, sexual harassment at workplaces, the evil of dowry, female infanticide etc. have been analysed in the light of existing laws and decisional jurisprudence in the fourth chapter. The fifth chapter analyses the decisions and consensus that emerged from the world conferences on women and their impact on the Indian Society and Judiciary. The constitutional provisions and legislative provisions protecting the rights of women have been critically examined in the sixth chapter. Chapter seven deals with various mechanisms evolved to protect the human rights of women. The eighth chapter contains conclusions and suggestions.

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This article examines how the Japanese Woman's Christian Temperance Union, in the name of promoting liberty and rights of women in their relations with men, constructed hierarchies to ascribe value to themselves through moral condemnation. The JWCTU used extramarital sex as a political issue to strengthen the position of the legal wife in the household as opposed to the concubine and prostitute. Their efforts to prohibit Japanese women from going abroad as prostitutes, while understood as an attempt to end a system of slavery that violated the inherent rights of Japanese womanhood, was actually a desire to regulate the behaviour of the poor. The JWCTU based its moral reform agenda on the importance of premarital chastity, strict monogamy and the obligation to work for the good of the nation. Its construction of prostitution as evil represents an important strand in the history of the relationship between prostitution and family as a socio-political issue in modern Japan.

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In this paper, I will argue that Canadian author Margaret Atwood uses fiscal and socially conservative dystopias to show how sex work and prostitution are choices that women would never have to make in a world with true gender equality. In these radically different worlds, women have no agency beyond their sexuality and no ability to express themselves as equals within either society. And while the structures of both societies, the society of The Handmaid’s Tale and that of both Oryx and Crake and The Year of the Flood, are inherently different, they both stem from modern conservative philosophies: for example, the country of Gilead in The Handmaid’s Tale holds Christian conservative beliefs on the role of religion in the state and the culturally designated roles of women. I define social conservatism as the idea that government organizations are used to pursue an agenda promoting traditional religious values such as “public morality” and opposing “immoralities” such as abortion, prostitution, and homosexuality. I define fiscal conservatism as an agenda promoting privatization of the market, deregulation and lower taxes. In this paper I argue that because these philosophies are incompatible with gender equality, they drive women to occupations such as sex work. Women find that they have no choices and sex work provides something to “trade.” For Offred, this “trading” is more limited, because she is a sex slave. For Oryx, this trading allows her to travel to the West, yet not before her childhood is marked by prostitution and pornography. Sex work allows for Ren to reclaim some agency over her life, yet she only chooses sex work because she is presented with few other options. All of these issues stem from the philosophies that define these dystopias.

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This project examines rural Indian women and discusses the strong correlation between gender inequity and the setbacks that have crippled development. The embedded caste system has created a distinct social hierarchy, which has incidentally deprived women of their freedom and voice. Gender inequity and social stratification are direct causes of the AIDS epidemic, research revealing a contingency between lack of empowerment and exposure to the disease. Additionally, the HIV/AIDS virus carries a strong cultural stigma, which influences whether or not women will seek treatment if infected, since AIDS victims face extreme social isolation and discrimination, in India. This project discusses several cause-and-effect frameworks related to gender inequity, which have stunted the growth and success of India.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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The over-riding perceptions of Victor Hugo’s attitudes towards women are intensely coloured by his deep-seated Romanticism and his well-testified, stifling and over-bearing treatment of women in his personal life. As such, Hugo’s contribution to the feminist struggle of his time has been woefully overlooked in the larger scheme of his social and political activism. Through a close examination of his largely unstudied public discourse on women’s rights, this thesis situates Hugo’s feminist views firmly in the context of Enlightenment feminism and 19th century feminism, while also drawing heavily on the illuminating principles of Enlightenment feminism. In particular, this thesis examines Hugo’s support for several of the most determining issues of 19th century French feminism, including women’s right to education, equal citizenship, universal suffrage rights, and the issue of regulated prostitution. Further, by examining the way in which Hugo’s views on women’s maternal role extended far beyond the limited vision of domesticity bolstered by the ideology of ‘republican motherhood’, this thesis engages in a re-appraisal of Hugo’s literary representation of maternity which identifies the maternal as a universal quality of devotion and self-sacrifice to which all humankind must aspire for the creation of a just, egalitarian, and democratic society. Though at times inevitably constrained by his Romanticism, this thesis demonstrates the extent to which Hugo’s feminism is grounded in his wider vision of social emancipation and is underpinned by a profound empathy, compassion, and moral conscience – qualities which are just as fundamental today, as they were for Hugo when participating in the fitful, though decisive, feminist struggle in 19th century France.

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Women with a disability continue to experience social oppression and domestic violence as a consequence of gender and disability dimensions. Current explanations of domestic violence and disability inadequately explain several features that lead women who have a disability to experience violent situations. This article incorporates both disability and material feminist theory as an alternative explanation to the dominant approaches (psychological and sociological traditions) of conceptualising domestic violence. This paper is informed by a study which was concerned with examining the nature and perceptions of violence against women with a physical impairment. The emerging analytical framework integrating material feminist interpretations and disability theory provided a basis for exploring gender and disability dimensions. Insight was also provided by the women who identified as having a disability in the study and who explained domestic violence in terms of a gendered and disabling experience. The article argues that material feminist interpretations and disability theory, with their emphasis on gender relations, disablism and poverty, should be used as an alternative tool for exploring the nature and consequences of violence against women with a disability.