I “resabios” come sovversione. Etnostoria dei movimenti di indigeni, donne e lavoratori nello «Stato apparente» boliviano

La tesi adotta una prospettiva etnostorica rafforzata da una metodologia etnografica per analizzare lo sviluppo dei processi di politicizzazione nel territorio boliviano dal periodo coloniale ad oggi, collocandoli all’interno di un più ampio sistema di relazioni economiche, politiche e sociali dettate dall’eterogeneo sviluppo del capitalismo globale; la tesi mostra sia il modo specifico in cui, nelle varie contingenze storiche, queste relazioni hanno riorganizzato l’«abigarrada» società boliviana e inciso sui processi di politicizzazione, sia il modo in cui i soggetti hanno contestato e messo in tensione tale riorganizzazione. Per l’analisi si partirà dalla posizione di quei soggetti che sono stati definiti alternativamente come indios, indigeni, campesinos nel territorio boliviano, guardando alle connessioni politiche che questi hanno messo in campo con diversi soggetti – donne, lavoratori, attivisti urbani. Questa posizione offre una «prospettiva epistemologica privilegiata» per indagare il modo in cui i movimenti sociali impattano nell’articolazione tra Stato, società civile e capitale, non perché tali soggetti sono portatori di un’autenticità alternativa al capitalismo, ma perché il modo in cui riattivano quell’insieme di miti, credenze e residui precapitalistici – i «resabios» – che concorrono alla «memoria larga» delle lotte, innestandoli su elementi introdotti dal capitalismo, mostra la loro capacità di sovvertire la posizione subalterna che la riproduzione del capitale nel territorio boliviano ha imposto loro. Si mostreranno anche le tensioni e i conflitti dati dalle diverse posizioni che donne e uomini, giovani e anziani, figure d’autorità e ‘base’ assumono all’interno della loro identificazione come indigeni. La ricerca permette di affermare che l’identità indigena è il prodotto della risposta istituzionale che di volta in volta è stata data per neutralizzare l’emergenza politica di soggetti la cui eterogeneità non ha impedito, ma al contrario ha reso possibile, un’accumulazione di forza tale da mettere in crisi gli assetti politici, economici e istituzionali dello Stato post-coloniale.

Critical connections : Islamic politics and political economy in Indonesia and Malaysia

This article explores Islamic politics in two Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Malaysia, by linking their trajectories, from late colonial emergence to recent upsurge, to broad concerns of political economy, including changing social bases, capitalist transformation, state policies, and economic crises. The Indonesian and Malaysian trajectories of Islamic politics are tracked in a comparative exercise that goes beyond the case studies to suggest that much of contemporary Islamic politics cannot be explained by reference to Islam alone, but to how Islamic identities and agendas are forged in contexts of modern and profane social contestation.

The present state of Europe : explaining the interests, connections, political and commercial views of its several powers : comprehending also, a clear and concise history of each country, so far as to shew the nature of their present constitutions.

Mode of access: Internet.

Building connections: political participation, social capital and the built environment in St. John's, Newfoundland

How does where we live affect how we live? Do characteristics of the built environment affect the civic and social lives of the people living there? This study examines these questions at the neighbourhood scale in the Canadian city of St. John's, Newfoundland. To do so, it combines data from a survey measuring respondents' social capital (defined as a combination of social participation, social trust, and civic participation) and a "built environment audit" that records the built characteristics of each respondent's neighbourhood. The study finds a significant, positive relationship between the walkability of a neighbourhood and the social capital of the people living there. This relationship is driven primarily by the effect of the built environment on voluntary participation and relationships with neighbours. The study also tests several methods of measuring walkability, and finds that an objective measure based on street geometry is the best predictor of social capital.

"You can see some eagles. And hear the trumpets": the literary and political hinterland of T.S. Eliot's 'Coriolan'

There has been an increased amount of scholarly interest lately in T.S. Eliot's unfinished sequence, Coriolan (1932)—interest drawn from its Shakespearian allusiveness, and from analysis of this writing's particularly rebarbative, jarring poetic. Although, however, the two parts of the sequence published by Eliot are acknowledged as being his nearest approach to poetic commentary upon contemporary political ideas, little criticism exists establishing the hinterland of the political thought, with which Eliot was most familiar, as editor of the Criterion. Coriolan emerges at a time when the lure of fascism pulled hardest at Eliot's sensibility. This article reviews the full political context provided by Eliot's journal, as well as considering the connections between that political engagement and the readings of Shakespeare he was also promulgating through this forum, in order to provide a more complex sense than hitherto of the diverse pressures underlying the unsettled nature of the existing Coriolan poems.

Trans/national dis/connections: silenced networks and strained belongings with reference to Albinia Catherine MacKay and Una Marson

This paper seeks to examine the particular operations of gender and cultural politics that both shaped and restrained possible 'networked' interactions between Jamaican women and their British 'motherlands' during the first forty years of the twentieth century. Paying particular attention to the poetry of Albinia Catherine MacKay (a Scots Creole) and the political journalism of Una Marson (a black Jamaica), I shall seek to examine why both writers speak in and of voices out of place. MacKay's poems work against the critical pull of transnational modernism to reveal aesthetic and cultural isolation through a model of strained belonging in relation to both her Jamaica home and an ancestral Scotland. A small number of poems from her 1912 collection that are dedicated to the historical struggle between the English and Scots for the rule of Scotland and cultural self-determination, some of which are written in a Scottish idiom, may help us to read the complex cultural negotiations that silently inform the seemingly in commensurability of location and locution revealed in these works. In contrast, Marson's journalism, although less known even than her creative writings, is both politically and intellectually radical in its arguments concerning the mutual articulation of race and gender empowerment. However, Marson remains aware of her inability to articulate these convictions with force in a British context and thereby of the way in which speaking out of place also silences her.

The new localism, anti-political development machines, and the role of planning consultants: lessons from London's South Bank

This paper draws on a study of the politics of development planning in London’s South Bank to examine wider trends in the governance of contemporary cities. It assesses the impacts and outcomes of so-called new localist reforms and argues that we are witnessing two principal trends. First, governance processes are increasingly dominated by anti-democratic development machines, characterized by new assemblages of public- and private-sector experts. These machines reflect and reproduce a type of development politics in which there is a greater emphasis on a pragmatic realism and a politics of delivery. Second, the presence of these machines is having a significant impact on the politics of planning. Democratic engagement is not seen as the basis for new forms of localism and community control. Instead, it is presented as a potentially disruptive force that needs to be managed by a new breed of skilled private-sector consultant. The paper examines these wider shifts in urban politics before focusing on the connections between emerging development machines and local residential and business communities. It ends by highlighting some of the wider implications of change for democratic modes of engagement and nodes of resistance in urban politics.

The political control of orthodoxy in the construction of the Romanian State, 1859-1918

This article analyses the relationship between Orthodoxy and state from the unification of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859 to the creation of Greater Romania in 1918. Examining the attitudes of political leaders towards the dominant religion, this article argues that during the reigns of Prince Cuza and King Carol I the Church became a state institution closely connected to the development of political regimes. It is suggested that by claiming doctrinal religious connections with Constantinople and independence from foreign intervention in the Church’s affairs, religious and political leaders from 1859 to 1918 amplified the construction of Romanian national mythology which contributed towards the political unity of the state.

Communities, centres, connections, disconnections:some reflections on the riots in Birmingham

This paper presents key ideas from fieldwork conducted in Birmingham between 2009 and 2011. This work examined identity in 'white' neighbourhoods, and attitudes to politics and understandings of poverty in more mixed ones. This work revealed that many Birmingham residents were concerned about a perceived loss of values, the impact of 'unrespectable' households and individuals in their areas and the apparent disconnect between political representatives and local residents. In the aftermath of the disturbances of August 2011 across England, including in Birmingham, we revisit these themes and examine the implications for understanding disorder in the city of Birmingham.

Re-visualising international relations:audio-visual projects and direct encounters with the political in security studies

In this paper we discuss how an innovative audio-visual project was adopted to foster active, rather than declarative learning, in critical International Relations (IR). First, we explore the aesthetic turn in IR, to contrast this with forms of representation that have dominated IR scholarship. Second, we describe how students were asked to record short audio or video projects to explore their own insights through aesthetic and non-written formats. Third, we explain how these projects are understood to be deeply embedded in social science methodologies. We cite our inspiration from applying a personal sociological imagination, as a way to counterbalance a ‘marketised’ slant in higher education, in a global economy where students are often encouraged to consume, rather than produce knowledge. Finally, we draw conclusions in terms of deeper forms of student engagement leading to new ways of thinking and presenting new skills and new connections between theory and practice.

The political districting problem: A survey

Computer scientists and social scientists consider the political districting problem from different viewpoints. This paper gives an overview of both strands of the literature on districting in which the connections and the differences between the two approaches are highlighted.

Várható világpolitikai tendenciák 2012-ben = Global political trends 2012

A 2012-es év várhatóan nem hoz radikális változást a világgazdaságban és a világpolitikában, meglepetésekkel azonban számolni kell. A gazdasági válság hatását nemcsak Európában, hanem azon kívül is érzékeljük, a válság rányomja bélyegét az érintett államok belpolitikájára és nemzetközi kapcsolataira. Az Egyesült Államok meghatározó tényező marad 2012-ben, még akkor is, ha ezt néhányan vitatják. A BRIC államok kimagasló mutatóik ellenére sem vonhatják ki magukat a válság hatása alól. 2012-ben az Egyesült Államok új védelmi stratégiát adott ki, amelyben egyértelműen kimutathatók a háborúk következményei. Az Al Kaida terrorszervezet ugyan jelentősen meggyengült, de a dzsihádizmussal továbbra is számolni kell, főként a válságkörzetekben. ______________ The year 2012 will probably not bring radical changes in the global economy and world policy. However, one should count on surprises. The results of the economic crisis are felt not only in Europe but outside Europe as well and it will have an effect on the domestic politics and on the international connections of the respective countries. The United States will remain a determinant factor in 2012 as well, although even if some dispute this observation. The BRIC states, in spite of theirs outstanding economic achievements, cannot avoid the detrimental effects of the crisis. As for security policy, the USA delivered a new defence strategy in 2012 that summarises the consequences of the wars. Although Al-Qaida lost its strength remarkably, one has to count on jihadism mainly in crisis areas.

State Political Parties in American Politics: Innovation and Integration in the Party System

What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.

In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.

Making meaningful connections: Using insights from social pedagogy in statutory child and family social work practice

Reports into incidents of child death and serious injury have highlighted consistently concern about the capacity of social workers to communicate skilfully with children. Drawing on data collected as part of an Economic and Social Research Council funded UK-wide research project exploring social workers’ communicative practices with children, this paper explores how approaches informed by social pedagogy can assist social workers in connecting and communicating children. The qualitative research included data generated from 82 observations of social workers’ everyday encounters with children. Social pedagogical concepts of ‘haltung’ (attitude), ‘head, heart and hands’ and ‘the common third’ are outlined as potentially helpful approaches for facilitating the intimacies of inter-personal connections and enhancing social workers’ capacity to establish and sustain meaningful communication and relationships with children in the face of austere social, political and organisational contexts.