The role of European Union integration in post-communist democratization in Bulgaria and Macedonia

Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs.

Estado del arte sobre neuromarketing aplicado a los estudios políticos

El neuromarketing aplicado a los estudios políticos dio como resultado el surgimiento del neuromarketing político, gracias al desarrollo de diferentes estudios e investigaciones. Se trata de un campo de estudio que estudia e investiga los procesos cerebrales referentes al comportamiento político y la toma de decisiones en la actividad política mediante el uso de herramientas neurocientíficas. Tanto por el interés de académicos, científicos, como también de los candidatos o actores que hacen parte de campañas electorales, o políticos gobernantes incluso, el neuromarketing político ha ido creciendo y cada vez son más los aportes que se realizan en la materia.

La carrera administrativa: ¿anhelo o realidad?

El autor plantea la siguiente hipótesis: sólo contando con recursos humanos, que tengan estabilidad relativa en el ejercicio laboral, idóneos desde el punto de vista moral y técnico, se podrán transformar las relaciones Estado-ciudadano, se impulsarán procesos de transformación de nuestras realidades socioeconómicas, se cambiarán las costumbres políticas y se construirán mejores escenarios de bienestar para los colombianos.Sobre la base anterior el trabajo se divide en los siguientes componentes: una revisión del estado de la cuestión a partir de Rafael Uribe, por ser el primero que presentó la idea de regular los procesos de selección de las personas que irían a prestar sus servicios al Estado, en general, y a la administración pública, en particular. En paralelo se harán las reflexiones sobre el tema de la función pública, y en ese marco de la institución de la carrera administrativa, en el cual se resaltarán sus falencias y ventajas para mejorar la gestión de los asuntos públicos.-----The author suggests that only if we can count on the relative stability of human resources in the exercise of their work, from a point of view of the moral and economical character, one can suggest the transformation of the relation between the state and the citizen. All through a change in political behavior in order to improve welfare scenarios for Colombian society.The article here presented is divided into the following components. First a revision of the state of the art from Rafael Uribe —being the first who presented the idea of people working for the state in general and for public administration in particular. In parallel, a reflection on the topics of public function and the framework of institutions for an administrative career, highlighting its defects and qualities on the improvement of public matters.

Preservation of confucian values in early childhood education : a study of experts’ and educators’ views

Confucian values form the core of the Chinese culture, penetrating all levels of social life, and also set the standards for family, community and political behavior. The teaching of values is deemed to be an important aspect of young children’s education and usually the responsibility for this is seen to rest with the family. Much interest has been generated recently on the teaching of core values in early childhood curriculum in order to encourage tolerance, acceptance, trust, openness, and honesty in children. Research on Confucianism is popularly conducted in different cultural contexts all over the world. Furthermore research has shown that Confucianism continues to exert a major influence on the everyday lives of Asian communities. Given the interest in Confucian values, this research study was designed to examine the expressed views of three cohorts of professionals in Hong Kong about the preservation of such values and their application to early childhood teaching. This study confirmed the view that there is a need to preserve cultural values to enable the child to be accepted in the society, especially with the value of ‘Ren’ helping one to learn how to interact with others and with the value of ‘Li’ further defining the appropriate behaviour in this interaction.

O efeito da reeleição em gastos de saúde: uma análise do modelo de reputação política

O modelo de reputação política sugere que o político que ocupa um cargo público e pretende mantê-lo através da reeleição tem incentivos para se alinhar às preferências do eleitorado, em detrimento de suas próprias. Partindo do pressuposto que gastos em saúde podem ser sensíveis ao eleitorado, testamos como eventuais incentivos reputacionais podem alterar o padrão de despesas em saúde nos municípios brasileiros. Utilizando uma amostra de 3004 municípios, o teste empírico indica que prefeitos que tentam reeleição aumentam o gasto em saúde no ano eleitoral, ao contrário de prefeitos em segundo mandato. Além disso, identificamos que prefeitos em primeiro mandato que não tentam a reeleição aumentam estes gastos quando sucedido por colega de mesmo partido.

A construção política do estado

In the relations between society and the state, the two forms of politically organized societies – the nation and civil society – play a key role, as also do class coalitions and political pacts. The relation between both is dialectical, but, initially, the state exerts more influence on the society; as democratization takes place this relation gradually changes in favor of society. Despite the fact that politics (the art of governing the state) is subjected to economic and political constraints, it counts with a relative autonomy. It is not the state but politics that has relative autonomy. Whereas society and the economy are the realm of necessity, politics is the realm of men’s will and freedom. The deterministic political theories that search to predict political behavior fail because they ignore this relative autonomy of politics. It is through politics, in the framework of the democratic state, that men and women build their state and their society.

A relação entre modernização neoliberal e práticas políticas atrasadas no Brasil dos anos 1990

Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

A metamorfose da atuação política do Partido dos Trabalhadores 1987-1991

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A campanha presidencial e o Vota Brasil em 2006: marketing e contexto político

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

ALBA-TCP: uma cultura de integração regional alternativa para a América Latina?

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Projeto KABEN DJUOI de manejo florestal dos Xicrin do Catete: perspectivas econômicas históricas e político-institucionais

Este trabalho é um estudo de caso sobre o projeto de manejo florestal de madeira Kaben Djuoi dos índios Xikrin do Cateté, que vivem no sul do Pará. A pesquisa foi baseada em perspectivas econômicas, históricas, culturais e político. Um dos objetivos foi identificar os atores que tiveram envolvimento técnico ou político com realidade Xikrin e, mais especificamente, no contexto do projeto. Pesquisas de campo, documental e bibliográfica encontram-se na base deste trabalho que procura verificar os fatos através dos conceitos teóricos e práticos sobre o desenvolvimento sustentável. As características histórico-culturais desse grupo étnico são detalhadas, assim como a contextualização geográfica e ambiental da região. Quanto aos resultados, a pesquisa tentou mostrar limitações do projeto estudado, que acabou sendo paralisado antes do trabalho de campo. Detalhes sobre o comportamento político dos Xikrin com relação a outros atores, em especial com a CVRD e com a organização não-governamental ISA, estão também descritos.

Do ABC ao Planalto: a cultura política do petismo

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

O clientelismo político no Brasil contemporâneo: algumas razões de sua sobrevivência

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

El gobierno de las megalópolis, el caso de Brasil, São Paulo: gestión metropolitana, descentralización y participación como desafíos simultáneos

The government of a megalopolis, such as São Paulo, shows singular challenges that do not exist in less complex urban contexts. Being a city of a country with a recent industrialized economy, with an income (functional and geographical) highly concentrated, that has resumed the democracy for only one quarter of a century, this megacity lives with its own political and organizational assignments, due to the contradictory character of the political behavior of its habitants/ voters and of the traditionalist nature of populism and patronage in the relationship between the rulers and the ruled and between the Executive and Legislative powers at the local level. In such context, the difficulties to prosecute the assignments of the metropolitan organization, the decentralization and the institutionalization of citizen participatory channels in the governance and administrative activities are huge. The centrifuge forces (of the decentralization of the local government, through subprefectures), the centripetal forces ( of the metropolitan organization process) and the diffuse forces (of the claiming popular participation) act simultaneously over the deciding processes, in São Paulo, receiving, still, state and national political influences, since the city is a very significant historically producer of political and electoral capital. The analysis of the recent experience of the creation of the subprefectures and the representative counsels (fixed in the Municipality Organic Law of 1990) and the attempt to implement the participatory budgeting, in two occasions (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), reveal some of the social and political reasons that make difficult the establishment of a solidly democratic governance and of a more efficient public administration in the metropolitan area of São Paulo.

Stili cognitivi e sofisticazione politica, un approccio sperimentale allo studio del comportamento di voto dei giovani elettori Italiani e Bielorussi

L’oggetto della nostra ricerca è l’opinione pubblica e il comportamento dell’elettore in una prospettiva comparata. L’obiettivo della ricerca è stato analizzare la relevanza degli approcci psicologici per una migliore comprensiore della partecipazione politica, delle opinioni e delle scelte elettorali degli studenti Italiani e Bielorussi. Nella parte teorica, noi discutiamo i modelli dell'approccio cognitivo al comportamento di voto. Discutiamo inoltre il concetto dello stile cognitivo e le sue cinque categorie: stile sintetico, idealistico, pragmatico, analitico o realistico, come descritti da A.Harrison and R.M. Branson e adattati da A. Alexeev and L. Gromova. Nonostante il fatto che la ricerca tratta il caso degli studenti, noi crediamo che i risultati siano pertinenti per un’ulteriore ricerca dell’auditorio più vasto e variegato.