996 resultados para Penal colonies, French.
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contains 1471 pieces." - Pref.
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Vols. 2-6 have subtitle: Documents officiels précédés de notices historiques.
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Includes Vocabulaire de la langue des Miamis paged separately (p. 1-8), placed between p. 524 and [533].
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From French colonies (or protectorates) to French Overseas Territories or Overseas Départements in 1946, these French overseas entities have progressively evolved, by different speeds and degrees. If the initial changes suggested by the United Nations (UN) were mostly justified on political and ideological grounds (the right to independence, self-determination and sovereignty), the current changes, encouraged by France this time, appear mainly as an attempt to alleviate economic dependency. This paper considers what is really at stake in the current statutory evolution of the French Overseas territories.
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This contribution explores notions of sovereignty in the three French territories of the South Pacific: French Polynesia, New Caledonia, and Wallis and Futuna. It also analyses the key nuances and challenges of the transition from aspirations of 'independence' to those of 'shared sovereignty'. From protectorates or colonies to overseas territories (Territoires d'Outre-Mer), these three territories have experienced specific and customised statuses with various degrees of autonomy, all underscoring a fine line between autonomy and sovereignty. Indeed, 'sovereignty' has today become much more synonymous with the concept of 'self-government' or 'large autonomy', as the current situation in French Polynesia demonstrates. Meanwhile, New Caledonia is one step closer to 'full sovereignty', since its actual status includes provisions for a referendum on self-determination between 2014 and 2018. The claim for independence, a characteristic of Kanak and Maohi movements, has become more pragmatically focused, to the extent that considering sovereignty 'in free-association' with France is now a perfectly conceivable option. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.
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The history of France and its empires is one that has been well trodden, particularly the French occupation, and subsequent war, in Algeria. In this companion to his earlier work, 2011’s The Colonial Heritage of French Comics,McKinney attempts to examine the reconstruction of French national identity in the wake of decolonisation through the medium of Francophonecomics. He endeavours to study the colonial affrontier (3), the space in which France and its colonies are connected and divided, where they seek to confront each other, or to seek peace and the removal of the division. McKinney argues this affrontier can be found most strongly in the Francophone comics produced dealing with the French colonial experience in Algeria, as well as that of Indochina,and does so from both sides of each conflict. McKinney examines in detail the French colonisation of Algeria (1830sonwards), the French war in Indochina (1946–54) and the Algerian war (1954–62), and his work is the first to approach these well-covered areas of research through the medium of comics. The resulting work takes the form of an investigation into the five forms of genealogical inquiry utilised in comics regarding these conflicts. His approach investigates the familial, ethnic, national, artistic and critical forms of genealogy relating to colonialism and imperialism from a variety of viewpoints, including the previously overlooked perspective of the pieds noirs. He aims to highlight both those cartoonists that critique the colonial ideology, as well as those cartoonists who to some extent attempt to gloss over or even romanticise the French empire, strengthening the affrontier. He positions himself alongside Foucault in seeing genealogy as a useful means of establishing ‘historical knowledge of struggles’ (Foucault1980, 85), but McKinney looks at the colonial representation in a popular medium,including the recent increase in comics produced which consider the French colonial experience. He argues that this consideration of the present, as well as European imperialism, is absent in the work of Foucault. The text is accompanied by a number of black and white facsimiles of pages from the comics he analyses to illustrate the different and often conflicting positions of cartoonists on these issues. Overall, McKinney’s work is a welcome addition to the study of the French colonial experience, which separates its elf from the rest by using Francophonecomics as lenses through which to look at these already well-trodden areas of study. He succeeds in determining if and how cartoonists critique colonial ideology and representations on both sides of the conflicts, a task in which he is unarguably successful. McKinney’s work, however, is unfortunately let down by typo graphicerrors, which occur throughout the text.Nevertheless, McKinney’s work is another important work in the field of Bande Dessine ́e scholarship, and useful for anyone interested in the representations of colonialism and imperialism in French comics, accompanied by anencyclopaedic bibliography of comics produced on this topic.
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This study was a critical investigation of the configuration of discourse on work in the Brazilian criminal legal discourse. We problematized the discourse of an alleged reintegrative social function proposed by the criminal legal system and analyzed the role of such discourse in the core of disciplinary power strategies that impose on individuals the honest worker condition as a major criterion for their rehabilitation and return to society as citizens. This critique is our starting point to build the argument that discourse on work as it appears in current criminal legal texts operates more as a criminalization index of those who do not have a lawful occupation than a guarantee of legitimate social transit for convicts and recognition of their dignity. For this purpose, we used as corpus the main sources of Law, namely the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Penal Code, the Penal Execution Law, the Brazilian criminal doctrine and an extensive, more recent penal jurisprudence with regard to techniques of resocialization through work. This critical line enabled us to recognize complexity and plurality of discourses - antagonistic, at times - that build the world of work as portrayed in legal texts. We also sought reference in the discussion on the centrality of work as a formative category of the social being as well as theories that defend the non-centrality of work. Throughout our investigation, we sough to question the very condition of such centrality and to understand the ways in which it was possible to produce a legitimating discourse on work as a model of emancipatory social conduct defended and demanded by the Brazilian punitive system. In a context of precariousness, unemployment and flexibilization of the world of work in contemporary society, convicts hardly ever succeed to resume the identity of honest, hard-working citizens - and no longer offenders. In this context, we also questioned the formulation of a discourse that speaks about human labor as the essence of man and criticizes the Marxist vision that is based on work centrality, and we approached the concept of Michel Foucault, our theoretician of reference, who understands work more as a mechanism of power that promotes the individuals’ submission and adaptation to a goods-producing society than the natural activity of man. We ascribe our study to the field of questions that tackle the political conception of the body as subject to labor imposed as productive and political force. It is about the issue of political technology of individuals, a technology of power, as named by the French author. The intended analysis has not dismissed the material existence of labor relations but sought to discuss the validity of a discourse that considers work the main resource for convict rehabilitation and index for the recognition of dignity and honesty. The Foucauldian discourse analysis was the foundation for the investigation of our object, especially if we understand discourses as social practices with power to institute knowledge and produce truths.
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Increased crash risk is associated with sedative medications and researchers and health-professionals have called for improvements to medication warnings about driving. The tiered warning system in France since 2005 indicates risk level, uses a color-coded pictogram, and advises the user to seek the advice of a doctor before driving. In Queensland, Australia, the mandatory warning on medications that may cause drowsiness advises the user not to drive or operate machinery if they self-assess that they are affected, and calls attention to possible increased impairment when combined with alcohol. Objectives The reported aims of the study were to establish and compare risk perceptions associated with the Queensland and French warnings among medication users. It was conducted to complement the work of DRUID in reviewing the effectiveness of existing campaigns and practice guidelines. Methods Medication users in France and Queensland were surveyed using warnings about driving from both contexts to compare risk perceptions associated with each label. Both samples were assessed for perceptions of the warning that carried the strongest message of risk. The Queensland study also included perceptions of the likelihood of crash and level of impairment associated with the warning. Results Findings from the French study (N = 75) indicate that when all labels were compared, the majority of respondents perceived the French Level-3 label as the strongest warning about risk concerning driving. Respondents in Queensland had significantly stronger perceptions of potential impairment to driving ability, z = -13.26, p <.000 (n = 325), and potential chance of having a crash, z = -11.87, p < .000 (n = 322), after taking a medication that displayed the strongest French warning, compared with the strongest Queensland warning. Conclusions Evidence suggests that warnings about driving displayed on medications can influence risk perceptions associated with use of medication. Further analyses will determine whether risk perceptions influence compliance with the warnings.
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The growth of technologies and tools branded as =new media‘ or =Web 2.0‘ has sparked much discussion about the internet and its place in all facets of social life. Such debate includes the potential for blogs and citizen journalism projects to replace or alter journalism and mainstream media practices. However, while the journalism-blog dynamic has attracted the most attention, the actual work of political bloggers, the roles they play in the mediasphere and the resources they use, has been comparatively ignored. This project will look at political blogging in Australia and France - sites commenting on or promoting political events and ideas, and run by citizens, politicians, and journalists alike. In doing so, the structure of networks formed by bloggers and the nature of communication within political blogospheres will be examined. Previous studies of political blogging around the world have focussed on individual nations, finding that in some cases the networks are divided between different political ideologies. By comparing two countries with different political representation (two-party dominated system vs. a wider political spectrum), this study will determine the structure of these political blogospheres, and correlate these structures with the political environment in which they are situated. The thesis adapts concepts from communication and media theories, including framing, agenda setting, and opinion leaders, to examine the work of political bloggers and their place within the mediasphere. As well as developing a hybrid theoretical base for research into blogs and other online communication, the project outlines new methodologies for carrying out studies of online activity through the analysis of several topical networks within the wider activity collected for this project. The project draws on hyperlink and textual data collected from a sample of Australian and French blogs between January and August 2009. From this data, the thesis provides an overview of =everyday‘ political blogging, showing posting patterns over several months of activity, away from national elections and their associated campaigns. However, while other work in this field has looked solely at cumulative networks, treating collected data as a static network, this project will also look at specific cases to see how the blogospheres change with time and topics of discussion. Three case studies are used within the thesis to examine how blogs cover politics, featuring an international political event (the Obama inauguration), and local political topics (the opposition to the =Création et Internet‘, or HADOPI, law in France, the =Utegate‘ scandal in Australia). By using a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods, the study analyses data collected from a population of sites from both countries, looking at their linking patterns, relationship with mainstream media, and topics of interest. This project will subsequently help to further develop methodologies in this field and provide new and detailed information on both online networks and internet-based political communication in Australia and France.
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This chapter reviews green grains from the shelf of French Guiana as a regional example of sedimentologic process occurring on the whole stable continental margin from the Amazon to the Orinoco River. Green grains have been observed and analyzed off the Orinoco delta and on the continental shelf of Surinam. These green grains were identified as “chamosite” and “glauconite.” The muddy coast of French Guiana is generally very flat and occupied by wet swamps and mangrove as a result of the equatorial climate. Most green grains on the continental shelf represent the verdine facies. Green grains are ubiquitous on the shelf and top of the slope off French Guiana. Two sedimentological facies exist: glaucony deeper than 150 m and verdine at shallower depths. The verdine facies has mainly developed from mineral debris and especially chloritized biotite. Carbonate bioclasts and faecal pellets are also utilized. The mica flakes were never wholly replaced by authigenic clay and the phenomenon leads to mixed grains where authigenic and substrate remains are recognizable. Carbonate substrates lead to mainly clay pure green grains becasue the initial carbonate has been dissolved. The formation of verdine can be located in a general marine environment at a comparatively warm sea-water temperature and at a depth probably shallower than 60 m.