42 resultados para Outrage
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Amongst social players, the prank, as a social performance form, holds a lot of potential to impact on personal, relational and social status within a group or between one group and another group. More than simply showing off, a prank in the strictest definition of the term, is a social performance in which one player, a prankster, deploys mischief, trickery or deceit, to cause a moment of anxiety, fear or anger about a happening for another spectator-become-collaborating-player, a prankee – to enhance social bonds, entertain, or comment on a social, cultural or political phenomenon. During a prank, the prankster’s ability to be creative, clever or culturally astute, and the prankee’s ability to be duped, be a good sport, play along, or even play/pay the prankster back, both become fodder for other spectators and society to scrutinize. In Australia, pranking traditions are popular with many social groups, from the community-building pranks of footballers, bucks parties and ‘drop bear’ tales told to tourists, to the more controversial pranks of radio shock jocks, activists and artists. In this paper, I consider whether theatrical terms – theoretical terms from the stage such as actor, acting, objective, arc, performance, audience and emotion, such as those offered by Joseph Roach – are useful in understanding the passion some social players show for pranksterism. Are theatrical terms such as Roach’s as useful as analysts of social self-performance such as Erving Goffman suggest they are? Do they assist in understanding the personal actions, reactions and emotions of prankster and prankee? Do they assist in understanding the power relations between prankster and prankee? Do they assist in understanding the relation between the prank – be it an everyday prank amongst families, friends and coworkers, an entertainment program prank of the sort seen on Prank Patrol, Punked or Scare Tactics, or an activist pranks perpetrated by a guerrilla artist, ‘jammers’ or ‘hackers’ intent on turning dominant social systems back on themselves – the social players, and the public sphere in which the prank takes place? I reflect on how reading pranks as performances, by players, for highly participatory audiences, helps understand why they are so prevalent, and so recurrent across times, cultures and contexts, and also so controversial when not performed well enough – or when performed too well – prompting outrage from the prankster, prankee or society as passionate as any debate about a performance by players in a theatre.
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In the early 19th century the London Missionary Society’s activities in South Africa were the subject of great scandal and a source of disrepute. The behaviour and attitudes of the first wave of LMS missionaries had challenged, and caused outrage, to both the political and moral norms of the colony. The radical attitudes and unconventional private lives of many of the early missionaries had also clearly shocked the Directors in Europe. In these controversies, and in the manner that the Society dealt with them, there can be read a contestation about not only the character, but also the purpose of mission activity. Was the Missionary task to work for political stability, to spread European values and help prepare a compliant and educated workforce? Or was it to save ‘lost souls’ and turn people away from idolatry and sin? Or, again, was it to fight for the oppressed, to liberate slaves and oppose tyranny? These debates were framed in complex and contradictory ways by a larger discussion that was informed by the new ideas and agendas that had emerged in the 18th century, commonly referred to as ‘The Enlightenment’. This paper traces the contours of an engagement between ‘Evangelical’ values and ‘Enlightenment’ principles through an exploration of the issues of the day such as: abolitionism, women’s rights, civilization and savagery. [From the Author]
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Summary: This article provides a review of the contribution of Axel Honneth’s model of recognition for critical social work. While Honneth’s tripartite conceptualisation of optimal identity-formation is positively appraised, his analysis of the link between misrecognition, the experience of shame and eventual sense of moral outrage, is contested. Drawing on a range of sources, including the sociology of shame, Honneth’s ideas about the emotional antecedents of emancipatory action are revised to guide critical social work with misrecognised service users.
Findings: The intellectual background to Honneth’s recognition model, emanating from leading German philosophers, is described and its application to social work set out. Even so, Honneth’s model is found to be deficient in one primary regard: its assumption about the emotional antecedents to quests for withheld recognition is misapprehended. In particular, the argument in this article is that the ubiquitous emotion of shame, which Honneth argues flows from misrecognition, must be carefully addressed through the medium of relationship, otherwise it might lead to repressed shame and frustrated attempts at social struggle. To this end, a social work process is delineated for dealing with shame, following episodes of misrecognition.
Applications: Honneth’s model of recognition, along with revised ideas about how to recognise and manage shame, is incorporated into a conceptual framework for critical social work practice. With this renewed understanding of the impact of shame, following misrecognition, social workers should be better equipped conceptually to enable service users to take action for empowerment.
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"Land, Popular Politics and Agrarian Violence in Ireland" provides an original and insightful study of the highly formative Land War and Home Rule from a local and regional perspective. Lucey examines the emergence and development of the largest mass political mobilisation brought about in nineteenth-century Ireland in the form of the Land League, and subsequently the National League, in the south-western county of Kerry. Such an unprecedented level of local political activity was matched by an upsurge in agrarian violence and the outbreak of serious outrage, which was largely orchestrated by secret societies known as Moonlighters. In turn, this book provides an important exploration of the dynamics behind the mass political mobilisation and agrarian violence that dominated Kerry society during the 1880s. The role of Fenians, radical agrarian agitators and moderate constitutional nationalists are all examined within the county.This study has importance beyond the local and provides a range of insights into motivations behind political action and violence at an everyday level during one of the most seminal and transformative eras in the development of modern Irish history. This title is suitable for students and academics of nineteenth-century Irish history and general readers.
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Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2014
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Na presente dissertação pretende-se compreender como é que a comunicação do risco é considerada pelos profissionais ligados à gestão do risco no domínio das calamidades naturais em Portugal. Para tal, além da fundamentação teórica acerca do objeto de estudo deste trabalho, ou seja, da comunicação do risco, pretende-se reunir algumas pistas que permitam compreender a visão que os profissionais ligados à gestão do risco, nomeadamente no âmbito das calamidades naturais têm desta disciplina de comunicação. É igualmente propósito desta dissertação aferir se a sociedade civil tem acesso a informação no que concerne a comportamentos redutores do risco no domínio da ocorrência de uma catástrofe natural, tais como um sismo ou um tornado. Neste sentido, pretende-se, portanto clarificar, em primeiro lugar, se existem, de facto, esforços de comunicação no que diz respeito à divulgação de informação sobre os riscos inerentes a um determinado fenómeno natural. E, segundo compreender o motivo pelo qual a sociedade civil portuguesa não tem um papel ativo no processo de gestão do risco: será que esta inércia se deve à falta de interesse (aliada à ignorância) da população no que concerne a temática do risco, em particular, no domínio da ocorrência de catástrofes naturais. Por fim, na presente dissertação é apresentado um guia de boas práticas para porta-vozes no domínio da comunicação do risco.
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"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D.)"
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Entre mai 1856 et mars 1858, un foisonnement d’études inédites paraissent sur Honoré de Balzac qui s’écartent de la tradition des témoignages et des critiques biographiques — celle des contemporains qui ont côtoyé le grand homme disparu et se grandissent en disant qu’ils l’ont bien connu. Si l’on peut affirmer qu’une révolution s’est opérée en août 1850 sur la tombe de Balzac qui affecte les appropriations de son oeuvre autant que le discours global sur le genre romanesque et sur son ennoblissement, on peut ajouter que la mêlée des discours qui s’appliquent à l’auteur de « La comédie humaine » sept ans plus tard, tandis que Flaubert et Baudelaire sont poursuivis pour outrage à la morale publique et à la religion, permet de réarticuler les tensions entre romantisme, réalisme et naturalisme, et entre romantisme et modernité.
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This essay explores the problems and possibilities of the postcolonial as word and orientation, as category and entity. It sieves postcolonial expressions through critical filters to make two tasks palpable. On the one hand, faced forthwith are the scandals of the nation and the West as well as the outrage of the postcolonial itself. On the other hand, brought to the front are protocols of probing that do not merely lead to an undoing of “foundations” but point to procedures of critical affirmation embedded within a history without guarantee. Here are to be found dispositions that carefully question and prudently elaborate issues of power and difference, authority and alterity, including through critical considerations of modernity and its philosophical and historical discussions in the West.-----Este artículo explora los problemas y posibilidades de lo postcolonial en tanto que concepto y orientación, categoría y entidad. Tamiza las expresiones postcoloniales a través de los filtros de la crítica para lograr que dos tareas devengan palpables. Por una parte, a lo primero que nos enfrentamos es a los escándalos de la nación y de Occidente, así como al ultraje de lo postcolonial en sí mismo. Por otra parte, se destacan protocolos de investigación que no conducen simplemente a un menoscabo de los ‘fundamentos’ sino que apuntan a procedimientos de afirmación crítica enraizados en lo que yo llamo una historia sin garantía. Aquí se encuentran disposiciones que cuestionan de manera juiciosa y elaboran con prudencia asuntos de poder y diferencia, autoridad y alteridad y que incluyen consideraciones críticas de la modernidad y sus discusiones filosóficas e históricas en Occidente.
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Se analiza la relación entre movimientos sociales y nuevos medios en Colombia, preguntando en particular por las posibilidades narrativas que tienen los movimientos sociales en el nuevo espacio comunicativo abierto por internet. Para ello, se lleva a cabo un estudio descriptivo del relato elaborado en la red social Twitter por activistas virtuales del movimiento de indignación surgido en Bogotá tras la destitución del alcalde mayor, Gustavo Petro, a finales de 2013. Se encontró que Twitter fue un espacio esencialmente de disputa. El relato del movimiento fue construido en permanente contrapunteo no solo con las informaciones de los medios de comunicación tradicionales y las intervenciones de los líderes políticos, sino también con expresiones ciudadanas rivales, que se movilizaron paralelamente en la misma red social en un ejercicio de contestación. Esta investigación emplea como marco analítico la “autocomunicación de masas” propuesta por Manuel Castells.
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Ao ter como base geral de pesquisa – A Europa diante do fenómeno migratório - a procura de uma nova Humanização – o objectivo deste trabalho consistiu na análise de algumas formas de manifestação e do impacto deste fenómeno nas sociedades democráticas inseridas nesse espaço. A consciência que as migrações têm seguido a história do mundo e as civilizações e que a sua análise permite avaliar o destino de seres humanos que partem em busca de soluções para as suas vidas. A convicção que a configuração das migrações tem um amplo significado social, cultural e económico e que uma política de imigração fechada, repressiva ou redutora do seu verdadeiro significado pode dividir a Humanidade. O receio que gera a continuidade de uma visão unilateral do Mundo e o esquecimento das condições existenciais difíceis de alguns países de emigração. A renúncia de alguns em escutar um discurso carecido de autenticidade e em apoiar um diálogo comprometido com alguns pressupostos ideológicos pouco claros. O desejo de participar na denúncia da propagação de atitudes facilitadoras dos sentimentos racistas e xenófobos. O repúdio pelo desnorteamento ontológico traduzido pela defesa de certas atitudes persecutórias infringidas aos imigrantes clandestinos. A adopção de uma política basicamente norteada pelo controlo das fronteiras e pela exploração económica dos imigrantes. A indignação pelo esquecimento ou negligência na vigilância e aplicação dos direitos fundamentais, em concreto, o direito ao uso da liberdade, a uma vida familiar normal, situações que lesam muitos. Foram, em suma, as razões que motivaram o trabalho. Porque, igualmente o exercício da cidadania e a inserção num espaço mundial em transformação requerem a actualização da leitura das relações dos homens entre eles e com as formas espaciais; porque o papel dos imigrantes na economia contemporânea é sentido como algo fundamental, e também a importância do seu lugar na estratégia de um desenvolvimento sustentável deve ser demonstrada e respeitada, desejou-se partilhar com outros a oportunidade de defender a participação colectiva sob princípios e premissas mais humanistas, e considerados fundamentais, para a construção de uma política de imigração digna, mais abrangente e indutora de pontes abertas e não de áreas amuralhadas.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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With the United States‘ entry into the Second World War, the word ?censorship? was seen largely as antithetical to, rather than a necessary counterpart to, victory among Americans. People did not want to be censored in their writing, photographs or speech,but it proved to be necessary even before the war began, in order to protect government secrets and the people on the home-front from scenes that were too disturbing. Even before the war had officially begun, there were problems with censorship among journalists and newspapers. The initial response of outrage in reference to censorship in the United States was common among journalists, newspapers, magazines, and radio news; nevertheless, there was a necessity for censorship among Americans, on the home frontand the front lines, and it would be tolerated throughout the war to ensure that enemies of America did not gain access to information that would assist in a defeat of the United States in the Second World War. The research I have conducted has dealt with the censorship of combat photography during World War II, in conjunction with the ethics that were in play at the time that affected the censors. Through exploring the work of three combat photographers — Tony Vaccaro, James R. Stephens and Charles E. Sumners — I wasable to effectively construct an explanatory ethical history of these three men. Research on the censorship and effects it had on the United States brought me to three distinctareas of censorship and ethics that would be explored: (1) the restrictions and limitations enforced by the Office of Censorship, (2) a general overview of war and photography as it influenced the soldiers and their families on the home-front, (3) and the combat photographers and personal and military censorship that influenced their work. Although their work was censored both by the military and the government, these men saw the war in a different light that remained with them long after the battles and war had ceased.Using the narratives of Tony Vaccaro, Charles E. Sumners and James R. Stephens as means for more in depth research, this thesis strives to create lenses through which to view the history and ethics of censorship that shaped combat photography during the Second World War and the images to which we refer as representative of that war today.
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Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen einer Literatur- und Medienanalyse wurde erstmals zum Thema Climate Engineering ein sogenanntes Gruppen-Delphi durchgeführt, um aktuelle und argumentativ fundierte Einschätzungen von Experten zu den möglichen sozialen und kulturellen Folgen von Climate Engineering, insbesondere auch in Deutschland, zu erhalten. Die Ergebnisse dieser diskursiven Form der Expertenbefragung zeigen deutlich, dass die Verfahren des Climate Engineering differenziert betrachtet und bewertet werden müssen. Auf Akzeptanzprobleme stoßen vor allem Maßnahmen, bei denen hohe Unsicherheit über die potenziellen Nebenwirkungen besteht. In der Literatur und unter den Experten besteht Einigkeit darüber, dass es bereits jetzt, in der Frühphase der Entwicklung von Climate Engineering-Strategien, notwendig sei, die Bürger über diese Technologien und Strategien aufzuklären.