974 resultados para Non-tariff barriers


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The United States of America and the European Union are currently negotiating a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). It is one of the most ambitious free trade and investment initiatives, going much further than eliminating tariffs. TTIP mainly aims at reducing “non-tariff barriers”. While tariffs on goods have been imposed with an eye to foreign competition, most of the non-tariff barriers are the laws and regulations that are the result of social struggles for the protection of consumers and workers. It is therefore certain that TTIP will impact workers. This volume provides a preliminary assessment of the likely consequences for labor by: - providing an overall introduction to the TTIP negotiations; -assessing the reliability of the studies claiming employment gains; - highlighting specific problematic proposals such as the investor-to-state dispute settlement mechanism; - presenting the position of organized labor from both sides of the Atlantic. / Among the contributors are Stefan Beck (Kassel), Lance Compa (Ithaca, New York), Pia Eberhardt (Brussels) and Werner Raza (Vienna).

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Estados Unidos junto a Japón y algunos Estados europeos han incentivado e impulsado al resto de los Estados a que abran sus fronteras y se inserten en el modelo de liberalización comercial. Estos países, en particular Estados Unidos promueven este modelo por medio de las relaciones comerciales que establece con otros Estados. Al establecer esta clase de relaciones, especialmente con Estados menos desarrollados, el país norteamericano busca mejorar su posición y obtener beneficios en detrimento de la otra parte por medio de la imposición de condiciones para maximizar sus beneficios y ganancias. La necesidad del gobierno estadounidense de mantener e incrementar su credibilidad ante sus ciudadanos y al mismo tiempo incentivar a los demás países para que abran sus fronteras se expresa en una incongruencia entre el discurso defensor del libre comercio y las estrategias proteccionistas como las barreras no arancelarias que pone en marcha y cuyo propósito es no perder espacio en el sistema internacional ni ver menoscabada su influencia sobre los demás Estados. Sin embargo, el establecimiento de medidas proteccionistas afecta las posiciones comerciales de países como Colombia en tanto que estas medidas ponen en desventaja a sus productos.

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Apresentação do Japão de hoje e suas relações econômicas e comerciais com o Brasil. Estudo do mercado japonês, condição de acesso, estrutura de comercialização e perspectivas futuras. Uma análise dos produtos da pauta de exportação brasileira ao Japão, que apesar da sua participação marginal no total da exportação apresentaram uma taxa de crescimento superior à média nos últimos cinco anos, possuindo um mercado não convenientemente explorado pelos empresários brasileiros.

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O avanço da tecnologia e o acesso fácil e rápido das pessoas à informação e a produtos estão contribuindo para o aumento da competição comercial entre empresas e até mesmo entre países. Contudo, é necessário criar controles e medidas para garantir a qualidade de produtos e serviços domésticos e importados para a população, sem que se comprometa o equilíbrio de mercado competitivo. Assim, o presente trabalho avalia os impactos de Barreiras Não Tarifárias utilizadas pelos importadores de produtos brasileiros sobre as exportações brasileiras no ano de 2013, em particular o uso dos tipos de barreiras técnicas e sanitárias. O uso desse tipo de instrumento tem aumentado desde que foi criado e assim, com a diminuição global de tarifas alfandegárias, tem recebido mais atenção por parte de Instituições e formuladores de políticas econômicas e comerciais. Encontrou-se que é significativo o impacto desse tipo de medida sobre os produtos brasileiros exportados de um modo geral, bem como por tipo de medida. Controlado por outros fatores, o impacto da medida é positivo, que sugere um aumento nas exportações. Esse mesmo impacto foi observado na medida do tipo técnica; todavia, foi observado o oposto na medida do tipo sanitária, o que sugere que esse tipo de medida contribui para a redução das exportações brasileiras.

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The objective of this project is to analyze the effects for Brazil of the conclusion of TTIP. This is approached under different hypotheses: considering the effects on Brazil of a TTIP with the reduction of only tariff barriers between US and EU; introducing a partial reduction of non-tariff barriers; and, at last, with a complete reduction of these barriers. To finalize, an audacious alternative is assumed: a hypothetical participation of Brazil in the TTIP under a partial reduction of agricultural tariffs by the US and EU markets, and under a full liberalization of their agricultural markets. The methodology used to estimate non-tariff barriers was presented in the Ecorys Project (2009) developed by Berden e Francois to the European Commission.

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Includes bibliography

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The introduction of the so-called “duty free quota free” treatment (DFQF) for all products from least developed countries (LDCs), in particular by the European Communities (EC) and by Switzerland, raised expectations of increased agricultural exports for these 49 countries. Despite the high tariff differential LDCs now enjoy over their competitors, especially for agricultural products and particularly in Switzerland, the results until 2007 are dismal: with the exception of sugar exports to the EC, LDCs have not been able to substantially increase their agricultural exports to Europe. This study analyses the result-ing tariff situation and the remaining non-tariff barriers. In many instances it is not cus-toms duties but the sanitary and phytosanitary barriers which turn out to be the single most important hurdle preventing trade. For instance, almost no LDC-based company can supply animal-based products. Similarly, certain private standards set by proces-sors and retailers prevent imports, particularly from LDCs, far more effectively than tar-iffs. Several gateways into this “European cordon sanitaire” are proposed. Only if offered in the context of a package of various carefully coordinated measures, DFQF could yet have a real impact on trade from LDCs. As it stands, this treatment constitutes only a nice-to-have but still largely ineffective instrument of trade development.

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To say that regionalism is gaining momentum has become an understatement. To mourn the lack of progress in multilateral trade rule-making is a commonplace in the discourse of politicians regretting the WTO negotiation standstill, and of “know-what-to-do” academics. The real problem is the uneven level-playing field resulting from increasing differences of rules and obligations. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) is a very ambitious project. WTI studies in 2014 have shown that the implications for Switzerland could be enormous. But even the combined market power of the two TTIP participants – the EU and the USA – will not level the playing field impairing the regulatory framework, and the market access barriers for trade in agriculture. Such differences will remain in three areas which, incidentally, are also vital for a global response to the food security challenge to feed 9 billion people before the year 2050: market access, non-tariff barriers, and trade-distorting domestic support programmes. This means that without multilateral progress the TTIP and other so-called mega-regionals, if successfully concluded, will exacerbate rather than lessen trade distortions. While this makes farmers in rich countries safer from competition, competitive production in all countries will be hampered. Consequently, and notwithstanding the many affirmations to the contrary, farm policies worldwide will continue to only address farmer security without increasing global food security. What are the implications of the TTIP for Swiss agriculture? This article, commissioned by Waseda University in Tokyo, finds that the failure to achieve further reforms – including a number of areas where earlier reforms have been reversed – is presenting Switzerland and Swiss agriculture with a terrible dilemma in the eventuality of a successful conclusion of the TTIP. If Swiss farm production is to survive for more than another generation, continuous reform efforts are required, and over-reliance on the traditional instruments of border protection and product support is to be avoided. Without a substantial TTIP obliging Switzerland to follow suit, autonomous reforms will remain extremely fragile.

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We propose a way to incorporate NTBs for the four workhorse models of the modern trade literature in computable general equilibrium models (CGEs). CGE models feature intermediate linkages and thus allow us to study global value chains (GVCs). We show that the Ethier-Krugman monopolistic competition model, the Melitz firm heterogeneity model and the Eaton and Kortum model can be defined as an Armington model with generalized marginal costs, generalized trade costs and a demand externality. As already known in the literature in both the Ethier-Krugman model and the Melitz model generalized marginal costs are a function of the amount of factor input bundles. In the Melitz model generalized marginal costs are also a function of the price of the factor input bundles. Lower factor prices raise the number of firms that can enter the market profitably (extensive margin), reducing generalized marginal costs of a representative firm. For the same reason the Melitz model features a demand externality: in a larger market more firms can enter. We implement the different models in a CGE setting with multiple sectors, intermediate linkages, non-homothetic preferences and detailed data on trade costs. We find the largest welfare effects from trade cost reductions in the Melitz model. We also employ the Melitz model to mimic changes in Non tariff Barriers (NTBs) with a fixed cost-character by analysing the effect of changes in fixed trade costs. While we work here with a model calibrated to the GTAP database, the methods developed can also be applied to CGE models based on the WIOD database.

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This paper examines concerns about the impact that TTIP could have on existing and future climate policies and laws from the inclusion of provisions on investment protection including investor-to-State dispute settlement (ISDS), the reduction of non-tariff barriers and the introduction of rules for trade in energy and raw materials. It argues that from an environmental perspective, ISDS should not necessarily be seen as a regime that goes against the defence of the environment or prevention of climate change. Although it might be used to challenge policies of an EU home State that increase levels of environmental protection, it can also be used to contest changes in an EU home State’s environmental policies that would reduce the protection of the environment, if foreign investment is affected. To a large extent, this also holds true for other areas of TTIP negotiations. While the achievement of a balance between rules that promote trade and those that maintain policy space for governments to respond to environmental concerns has to be closely monitored, benefits for climate could be seized from harmonisation of carbon laws at the level of the strictest regulations of two parties, provisions that promote trade in low carbon technologies and renewable energy and bilateral cooperation on climate change.

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This paper presents a simulation of the reduction of several components in trade cost for Asia and examines its impact on the economy. Our simulation model based on the new economic geography embraces seven sectors, including manufacturing and non-manufacturing sectors, and 1,715 regions in 18 countries/economies in Asia, in addition to the two economies of the US and the European Union. The geographical course of transactions among regions is modeled as determined based on firms’ modal choice. The model also includes estimates of some border cost measures such as tariff rates, non-tariff barriers, other border clearance costs, transshipment costs and so on. Our simulation analysis for Asia includes several scenarios involving the improvement/development of routes and the reduction of the above-mentioned border cost. We have shown that the contribution of physical and non-physical infrastructure improvements conducted together is larger than the sum of the contribution by each when conducted independently.