903 resultados para New Democratic Party of Ontario.


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left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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Left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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The theory of New Public Management (NPM) suggest that one of the features of advanced liberal rule is the tendency to define social, economic and political issues as problems to be solved through management. This paper argues that the restructuring of Higher Education (HE) in many Western countries since the 1980s has involved a shift from an emphasis on administration and policy to one of its efficient management. Utilising Foucault’s concept of governmentality rather than the liberal discourse of management as a politically neutral technology, managerialism can be seen as a newly emergent and increasingly rationalised disciplinary regime of governmentalising practices in advanced liberalism. As such the contemporary University as an institution governed by NPM can be demonstrated to have emerged not as the direct outcome of democratic policies that have rationalised its activities (so that the emancipatory aims of personal development, an educated workforce and of true research can be fully realised), nor can it be understood as the instrument through which individuals or self-realising classes are defeated through the calculations of the state acting on behalf of economic interests, rather it can be seen as the contingent and intractable outcome of the complex power/knowledge relations of advanced liberalism. I analyse the interlocking of the ‘tutor-subject’ and ‘student-subject’ as a local enacting of policy discourse informed by the NPM of HE that reshapes subjectivity and retunes the relationship between tutor and student. I put forward suggestions for how resistance to these new modes of disciplinary subjectification can be enacted.

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Gwladys Cunningham was the Secretary-Treasurer of the Lincoln N.D.P. Ladies Group as well as involved in the CCF [Co-operative Commonwealth Federation] branch in Thorold. Additional Cunningham family members may also have been involved in the activities of the Thorold Branch. The Thorold branch of the Ontario division of The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation held its first meeting on June 15, 1933 at the home of Mark Kriluck. The branch became an official unit of the CCF when it was granted a charter in August of that same year. Officers elected at the annual meeting in October were W.G. Campbell, President, Jane Griffiths, Vice-President, James Logan Secretary and Mark Kriluck Treasurer. In 1960 the CCF voted to officially change their name to The New Democratic Party. The branch later became known as the Lincoln and Welland Riding Association of The New Democratic Party. Rare publications directly related to the CCF and the NDP remain with the fonds. Some publications were removed and placed in the general stack collection. See below for a list of books that were removed from the fonds and placed in the general collection.

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Accompanying caption from the Canadian Illustrated News, July 15, 1876: “We publish today a page of sketches consisting of the following battle fields in Ontario :--Lundy’s Lane where, without doubt, the hardest fought battle of 1812-15 took place, and in which more troops were engaged than in any other engagement of that war : the battle field of Stony Creek where the Canadians and Indians made a night attack on the Americans and achieved a victory over a greatly superior force and obliged the Americans to retreat back to the shelter of Old Fort George which was the scene of many engagements during the war. Beaver Dam battle field is just in the suburbs of the thriving village of Thorold, and the monument covers the remains of several soldiers whose bodies were unearthed during the building of the new Welland Canal at that place.”

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A letter from Bob Rae, leader of the NDP, to Donald Ziraldo, discussing the book Anatomy of a Winery. Rae thanks Ziraldo and goes on to mention the significant role Inniskillin Winery has played in making the Ontario Wine industry so successful. Rae also mentions the partnership of the NDP with the industry in order to do "restructuring" and "become internationally competitive." 21 September, 1995

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As of April 1, 2013 kinesiology became a regulated health profession in Ontario. With its own governing body, the College of Kinesiologists of Ontario (CKO), there are new ethical and professional standards to which kinesiologists must adhere. The purpose of this study is to investigate kinesiologists’ thoughts and perceptions regarding the CKO’s Practice Standards, Guidelines and Code of Ethics, and their level of ethical knowledge and training. Eleven semi-structured interviews were carried out with kinesiologists. Interview data was analyzed through the development of general themes. Findings revealed that kinesiologists are confident of their ethical decision making skills but are in need of more ethical and professional education and training in order to become respected healthcare professionals in the healthcare community and in the eyes of the public. Furthermore, there were key areas identified in need of improvement regarding the quality of the Practice Standards, Guidelines and Code of Ethics. Additional findings, implications and recommendations for future research were also discussed.

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Our perceptions of knowledge attainment have changed (Bezemer & Kress, 2010). The type of students our teachers once were is vastly different from the students they currently teach. We need our next generation to thrive in a dynamically, interactive world saturated with opportunities for meaning making (Kress & Selander, 2012). Our current students are responsible for continuing our society, but that does not mean we need them to become us (Gee, 2009). Rather desperately, we need them to be thinkers and expressive in a variety of modes. The world will be different when they take their rightful place as the next generation of leaders, and so too must their thinking be different (Cope & Kalantzis, 2000). This explanatory mixed-method study (Creswell, 2013; Mertens, 2014) involved an investigation into perceptions of new teachers regarding inclusive pedagogies like Universal Design for Learning (CAST, 2011). It specifically discusses the contemporary thinking of 44 new Ontario teachers regarding inclusive pedagogies in their teacher education as well as their relative intent to utilize them in their practice. This study reveals a distinct tone of skepticism and provides suggestions for the continued improvement of teacher education programs in this province.

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In times of educational change, educators are given the task of implementing new initiatives that meet the needs of a changing environment; yet, they are often dismissed from developmental phases of the reform. This top-down structure deters educators’ personal capacity building as their knowledge, values, assumptions, and beliefs are not acknowledged or explicitly developed as part of the initiative. This study explored Ontario dental hygiene educators’ perspectives of how they may build personal capacity during an externally mandated national curriculum reform, the Entry-to-Practice Competencies and Standards for Canadian Dental Hygienists (National Competencies). Narratives were collected from 5 dental hygiene educators of diverse educational training and teaching organizations. Three themes emerged that included perceptions of structural influence, perceptions of learning access, and perceptions of identity. Each theme was linked to tasks that were required to build personal capacity for sustainable school change. The theoretical framework and the required tasks demonstrated the interconnectedness between educators, leaders, and the organization for building educators’ personal capacity.

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Zarycki studied the political map of Central Europe today on the basis of results of recent parliamentary and/or presidential elections in the Czech Republic, Hungary, L8ithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine. He identified first the structure of regional political cleavages, then the spatial patterns emerging in different countries. He also considered the significance and eventual regional differentiation of various possible influences on these patterns, including urbanisation, historical heritage, ethnic factors, population movements, economic differentiation, the effects of the transformation, demographic factors, education and religion. Virtually all the countries showed a cleavage between more traditional, anti (or non-) communist regions and secular areas with higher post-communist support. Except in Ukraine and the Czech Republic, the post-communist party is dominated by the direct heirs of the former communist parties transformed into moderate left parties. The second major class of cleavages was typical of the Visegrad countries, i.e. the conflict between liberal, mostly metropolitan, regions and a different periphery, usually with a strong populist or anti-liberal appeal. This usually depends on the existence of a sizeable well-educated class, usually pro-market and pro-Western, and on the resolution of the conflict between post and anti-Communists. The third type of cleavage is based on ethnic factors and is clearest in Lithuania and Slovakia, where there are large ethnic minorities. Of factors influencing political behaviour, the two major ones identified were the historical heritage and urbanisation.

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One of two active volcanoes in the western branch of the East African Rift, Nyamuragira (1.408ºS, 29.20ºE; 3058 m) is located in the D.R. Congo. Nyamuragira emits large amounts of SO2 (up to ~1 Mt/day) and erupts low-silica, alkalic lavas, which achieve flow rates of up to ~20 km/hr. The source of the large SO2 emissions and pre-eruptive magma conditions were unknown prior to this study, and 1994-2010 lava volumes were only recently mapped via satellite imagery, mainly due to the region’s political instability. In this study, new olivine-hosted melt inclusion volatile (H2O, CO2, S, Cl, F) and major element data from five historic Nyamuragira eruptions (1912, 1938, 1948, 1986, 2006) are presented. Melt compositions derived from the 1986 and 2006 tephra samples best represent pre-eruptive volatile compositions because these samples contain naturally glassy inclusions that underwent less post-entrapment modification than crystallized inclusions. The total amount of SO2 released from the 1986 (0.04 Mt) and 2006 (0.06 Mt) eruptions are derived using the petrologic method, whereby S contents in melt inclusions are scaled to erupted lava volumes. These amounts are significantly less than satellite-based SO2 emissions for the same eruptions (1986 = ~1 Mt; 2006 = ~2 Mt). Potential explanations for this observation are: 1) accumulation of a vapor phase within the magmatic system that is only released during eruptions, and/or 2) syn-eruptive gas release from unerupted magma. Post-1994 Nyamuragira lava volumes were not available at the beginning of this study. These flows (along with others since 1967) are mapped with Landsat MSS, TM, and ETM+, Hyperion, and ALI satellite data and combined with published flow thicknesses to derive volumes. Satellite remote sensing data was also used to evaluate Nyamuragira SO2 emissions. These results show that the most recent Nyamuragira eruptions injected SO2 into the atmosphere between 15 km (2006 eruption) and 5 km (2010 eruption). This suggests that past effusive basaltic eruptions (e.g., Laki 1783) are capable of similar plume heights that reached the upper troposphere or tropopause, allowing SO2 and resultant aerosols to remain longer in the atmosphere, travel farther around the globe, and affect global climates.

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Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are increasingly more concerned with regulatory convergence, rather than trade liberalisation through elimination of tariffs. This appears to result more often in so-called dynamic trade agreements, which still evolve after adoption. Further economic integration in democracies, however, depends on the support of the constituency. This article takes a closer look at the democratic legitimation of global economic integration in a case study on Switzerland. It finds that the current principles and institutions of democracy in Switzerland are unlikely to fully accommodate the new regulatory challenges of dynamic FTAs.