999 resultados para National territories


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La obra vincula las instituciones, el orden público y la construcción de una ciudadanía en la Pampa Central con la extensión de propiedades de construcción del Estado que el gobierno federal intentaba concretar en los territorios nacionales -fines del siglo XIX-. Se analizan las instituciones, su constitución, funcionamiento e inconvenientes. Se reconstruyen las relaciones de la incipiente sociedad civil que estaba adquiriendo rasgos de "ciudadanía", pese a la limitación del derecho a la soberanía y representación política, por cuya razón se abocó al reducido poder local, a la conversión del Territorio en provincia y a la presión sobre las instituciones del Estado. Ciertos sectores sociales -vecinos propietarios- participaron en el poder y pudieron incidir en la disposición de un determinado orden público. Se descubre este entramado a través de la cuestión política, la constitución de la esfera pública, el papel de la prensa, y el accionar de sectores gubernamentales y particulares, especialmente en los conflictos sociales. Estas cuestiones se analizan con mayor profundidad en el estudio particular de una institución: la justicia letrada nacional con marcado poder en el Territorio. Se demuestra que esta institución ejerció un papel importante en la extensión de las propiedades que caracterizaron la construcción y consolidación del Estado. El protagonismo judicial a nivel nacional tuvo su correlación en el poder de los jueces y de los juzgados letrados territoriales, basado en: el carácter nacional de estos tribunales, el perfil profesional de sus miembros, una red social y política de los magistrados a nivel nacional y, la debilidad de las demás instituciones del Territorio. Este poder era reconocido y consolidado por la prensa y los vecinos -propietarios, comerciantes y profesionales- interesados en jerarquizar el papel de la justicia.

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Since the end of the 1980s, international relations has experienced a resurgence of regionalism in Europe (Single Market, Maastricht) and the Americas (NAFTA, MERCOSUR). Why did regional economic cooperation gain mo­ mentum? Theoretical approaches have proved the relevance of institutions, intergovernmental bargains, and na­ tional interest formation for the emergence of cooperation, but fall short in explaining why new cooperative moves happened in the late 1980s and early 1990s and not earlier. This paper argues that the simultaneous con­vergence of interests favoring regional organization of states was stimulated by transnational globalization. Since the early 1980s, states had to adapt to the pressures from transnational globalization, from actors and systems which are not shaped by national territories and interests, and which undermined traditional national economic policy and domestic coalitions. Under the new circumstances, joint regional governance on specific policy areas became an attractive option to respond to new constraints. With the conceptualization of transnational globalization as an explanatory factor for regional cooperation this paper does not dismiss other approaches, but rather attempts to complement the research agenda by shedding light on a crucial-but often neglected-aspect of international relations.

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El presente artículo propone el análisis de la composición socio-demográfica del territorio de Misiones a partir de los resultados del censo específico de territorios nacionales de 1920. Este análisis abordará tanto los resultados de este censo, como sus condiciones de producción y los objetivos políticos que inspiraron su realización. A través de este análisis se buscará, en primer lugar, abordar la realización de este censo como parte de la agenda de ampliación de derechos políticos del gobierno radical de la Argentina. En segundo lugar, conocer las características generales de la población de Misiones, en cuanto a su composición según sexo, edades y origen. En tercer lugar, observar las características poblacionales en las zonas fronterizas del territorio. El objetivo será aportar al conocimiento socio-demográfico de Misiones, en tanto permite observar las particularidades en la composición poblacional de las zonas fronterizas que constituyeron los escenarios de un conjunto de movimientos políticos de carácter transfronterizo entre las décadas de 1920 y 1930.

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El presente artículo propone el análisis de la composición socio-demográfica del territorio de Misiones a partir de los resultados del censo específico de territorios nacionales de 1920. Este análisis abordará tanto los resultados de este censo, como sus condiciones de producción y los objetivos políticos que inspiraron su realización. A través de este análisis se buscará, en primer lugar, abordar la realización de este censo como parte de la agenda de ampliación de derechos políticos del gobierno radical de la Argentina. En segundo lugar, conocer las características generales de la población de Misiones, en cuanto a su composición según sexo, edades y origen. En tercer lugar, observar las características poblacionales en las zonas fronterizas del territorio. El objetivo será aportar al conocimiento socio-demográfico de Misiones, en tanto permite observar las particularidades en la composición poblacional de las zonas fronterizas que constituyeron los escenarios de un conjunto de movimientos políticos de carácter transfronterizo entre las décadas de 1920 y 1930.

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El presente artículo propone el análisis de la composición socio-demográfica del territorio de Misiones a partir de los resultados del censo específico de territorios nacionales de 1920. Este análisis abordará tanto los resultados de este censo, como sus condiciones de producción y los objetivos políticos que inspiraron su realización. A través de este análisis se buscará, en primer lugar, abordar la realización de este censo como parte de la agenda de ampliación de derechos políticos del gobierno radical de la Argentina. En segundo lugar, conocer las características generales de la población de Misiones, en cuanto a su composición según sexo, edades y origen. En tercer lugar, observar las características poblacionales en las zonas fronterizas del territorio. El objetivo será aportar al conocimiento socio-demográfico de Misiones, en tanto permite observar las particularidades en la composición poblacional de las zonas fronterizas que constituyeron los escenarios de un conjunto de movimientos políticos de carácter transfronterizo entre las décadas de 1920 y 1930.

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El presente artículo propone el análisis de la composición socio-demográfica del territorio de Misiones a partir de los resultados del censo específico de territorios nacionales de 1920. Este análisis abordará tanto los resultados de este censo, como sus condiciones de producción y los objetivos políticos que inspiraron su realización. A través de este análisis se buscará, en primer lugar, abordar la realización de este censo como parte de la agenda de ampliación de derechos políticos del gobierno radical de la Argentina. En segundo lugar, conocer las características generales de la población de Misiones, en cuanto a su composición según sexo, edades y origen. En tercer lugar, observar las características poblacionales en las zonas fronterizas del territorio. El objetivo será aportar al conocimiento socio-demográfico de Misiones, en tanto permite observar las particularidades en la composición poblacional de las zonas fronterizas que constituyeron los escenarios de un conjunto de movimientos políticos de carácter transfronterizo entre las décadas de 1920 y 1930.

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This study sought to examine the impact of the Cannabis Expiation Notice (CEN) scheme on the prevalence of lifetime and weekly cannabis use in South Australia. Data from five National Drug Strategy Household Surveys between 1985 and 1995 were examined to test for differences in trends in self-reported: (1) lifetime cannabis use; and (2) current weekly cannabis use, after controlling for age and gender, between South Australia and the other states and territories. Between 1985 and 1995, rates of lifetime cannabis use increased in SA from 26% to 36%. There were also significant increases in Victoria (from 26% to 32%), Tasmania (from 21% to 33%) and New South Wales (from 26% to 33%). The increase in South Australia was significantly greater than the average increase throughout the rest of Australia, but the other Australian states differed in their rates of change. Victoria and Tasmania had similar rates of increase to South Australia; New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia showed lower rates of increase; and the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory had high rates that did not change during the period. There was no statistically significant difference between SA and the rest of Australia in the rate of increase in weekly cannabis use. While there was a greater increase in self- reported lifetime cannabis use in South Australia between 1985 and 1995 than in the average of the other Australian jurisdictions it is unlikely that this increase is due to the CEN system, because similar increases occurred in Tasmania and Victoria (where there was no change in the legal status of cannabis use), and there was no increase in the rate of weekly cannabis use in South Australia over the same period.

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Gender equity: A framework for Australian schools is the most recent policy dealing with gender in schools at the national level in Australia. This paper provides a critical discourse analysis of the policy document, tracking two themes: 'the construction of gender', and 'equity: a discourse of education for all boys and girls'. Through this analysis the authors argue that the policy signals a substantial shift in focus-from girls and boys in relation to girls, to both girls and boys-within a framework of presumptive equality. It is also argued that the policy shuts down federal involvement in policy for girls' schooling. In the process, responsibility is devolved to the states and territories where, in many cases, gender equity programs will be struggled over at a local, school-based level. At the same time, however, spaces have been created which potentially enable new strategies for gender equity policies in Australian schools.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse how educational policies about school violence are reinterpreted and implemented at school level and if this process contributes to a more pluralistic and democratic school. A research carried out in 3 clusters of schools showed that the diversity of understandings and strategies to face school violence, higher within the territories than between them, was associated to the school board's agendas and the legitimacy of the different actors to interpret and act within the national policies framework. There was a high consistency between violence management strategies and the ways schools faced social and cultural diversity. Those who favour more inclusive strategies to deal with violence tend to provide higher educational opportunities in schools, inversely, those who favour repressive strategies are more likely to support educational and social selective strategies, with less educational offer; less participation of teachers, students and parents in violence regulation.

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This paper assesses land-use changes related to naturbanization processes on three biosphere reserves in Southern Europe. A comparative analysis has been done on the National Parks in Peneda-Ger^es in North Portugal, C_evennes in South France and Sierra Nevada in South Spain, using Corine Land Cover data from 1990 until 2006. Results indicate that the process of land-use intensification is taking place in the frame of naturbanization dynamics that could jeopardize the role of Protected Areas. Focusing on the trends faced by National Parks and their surrounding territories, the analysis demonstrates, both in quantitative and spatial terms, the intensification processes of land-use changes and how it is important to know them for coping with increasing threats. The article concludes that in the current context of increasing stresses, a broader focus on nature protection, encompassing the wider countryside, is needed if the initiatives for biodiversity protection are to be effective.

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BACKGROUND: Data for trends in glycaemia and diabetes prevalence are needed to understand the effects of diet and lifestyle within populations, assess the performance of interventions, and plan health services. No consistent and comparable global analysis of trends has been done. We estimated trends and their uncertainties in mean fasting plasma glucose (FPG) and diabetes prevalence for adults aged 25 years and older in 199 countries and territories. METHODS: We obtained data from health examination surveys and epidemiological studies (370 country-years and 2·7 million participants). We converted systematically between different glycaemic metrics. For each sex, we used a Bayesian hierarchical model to estimate mean FPG and its uncertainty by age, country, and year, accounting for whether a study was nationally, subnationally, or community representative. FINDINGS: In 2008, global age-standardised mean FPG was 5·50 mmol/L (95% uncertainty interval 5·37-5·63) for men and 5·42 mmol/L (5·29-5·54) for women, having risen by 0·07 mmol/L and 0·09 mmol/L per decade, respectively. Age-standardised adult diabetes prevalence was 9·8% (8·6-11·2) in men and 9·2% (8·0-10·5) in women in 2008, up from 8·3% (6·5-10·4) and 7·5% (5·8-9·6) in 1980. The number of people with diabetes increased from 153 (127-182) million in 1980, to 347 (314-382) million in 2008. We recorded almost no change in mean FPG in east and southeast Asia and central and eastern Europe. Oceania had the largest rise, and the highest mean FPG (6·09 mmol/L, 5·73-6·49 for men; 6·08 mmol/L, 5·72-6·46 for women) and diabetes prevalence (15·5%, 11·6-20·1 for men; and 15·9%, 12·1-20·5 for women) in 2008. Mean FPG and diabetes prevalence in 2008 were also high in south Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and central Asia, north Africa, and the Middle East. Mean FPG in 2008 was lowest in sub-Saharan Africa, east and southeast Asia, and high-income Asia-Pacific. In high-income subregions, western Europe had the smallest rise, 0·07 mmol/L per decade for men and 0·03 mmol/L per decade for women; North America had the largest rise, 0·18 mmol/L per decade for men and 0·14 mmol/L per decade for women. INTERPRETATION: Glycaemia and diabetes are rising globally, driven both by population growth and ageing and by increasing age-specific prevalences. Effective preventive interventions are needed, and health systems should prepare to detect and manage diabetes and its sequelae. FUNDING: Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and WHO.

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Il est mondialement reconnu que les institutions judiciaires jouent un rôle central dans le processus de prise de décisions politiques, à la fois au niveau national et international. C’est d’ailleurs le cas à la Haute Cour de justice d’Israël. L’étendue de son succès (ou de son échec) dans la tentative de trouver une solution aux violations des droits humains dans les territoires occupés est un problème qui continue de faire l’objet de bien des débats et de recherches académiques. À cet égard, il a été suggéré que, malgré l’absence de constitution écrite et l’existence d’un état d’urgence prolongé en Israël, la Haute Cour de justice a réussi à adopter une approche « judiciairement active » quant à la protection et la promotion des droits de l’homme de manière générale, y compris ceux des Palestiniens dans les territoires occupés. Dans cette perspective, le débat sur le processus d’examen judiciaire de la Haute Cour de Justice tient pour acquise la notion qu’Israël est une démocratie. Ainsi, cet article cherche à examiner cette hypothèse. Premièrement, en adoptant la position que le processus de révision judiciaire est compatible avec la démocratie et la règle de loi. Deuxièmement, il examine l’approche « judiciairement active » de la Cour et soumet un bref aperçu du processus, des outils et des principes légaux que la Cour adopte pour examiner les actions des autorités israéliennes, y compris l’armée, et imposer une loi commune de protection des droits de la personne, donc ceux des Palestiniens dans les territoires occupés. L’article argumente également que le contrôle prolongé des territoires occupés par Israël a eu des conséquences significatives, car tout effort fourni par la Cour pour garantir le respect des droits humains de la population civile palestinienne doit se faire sans compromettre la sécurité du pouvoir israélien. La conclusion à laquelle on arrive ici dépend de la façon dont on qualifie ce contrôle: une occupation à long terme ou une annexion (ce qui n’est pas réglementaire par rapport à loi internationale), ce qui n’est pas sans conséquence sur le rôle que la Haute Cour de justice peut effectivement jouer pour faire respecter les droits de la personne dans les territoires occupés.

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This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?

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A study to monitor boreal songbird trends was initiated in 1998 in a relatively undisturbed and remote part of the boreal forest in the Northwest Territories, Canada. Eight years of point count data were collected over the 14 years of the study, 1998-2011. Trends were estimated for 50 bird species using generalized linear mixed-effects models, with random effects to account for temporal (repeat sampling within years) and spatial (stations within stands) autocorrelation and variability associated with multiple observers. We tested whether regional and national Breeding Bird Survey (BBS) trends could, on average, predict trends in our study area. Significant increases in our study area outnumbered decreases by 12 species to 6, an opposite pattern compared to Alberta (6 versus 15, respectively) and Canada (9 versus 20). Twenty-two species with relatively precise trend estimates (precision to detect > 30% decline in 10 years; observed SE ≤ 3.7%/year) showed nonsignificant trends, similar to Alberta (24) and Canada (20). Precision-weighted trends for a sample of 19 species with both reliable trends at our site and small portions of their range covered by BBS in Canada were, on average, more negative for Alberta (1.34% per year lower) and for Canada (1.15% per year lower) relative to Fort Liard, though 95% credible intervals still contained zero. We suggest that part of the differences could be attributable to local resource pulses (insect outbreak). However, we also suggest that the tendency for BBS route coverage to disproportionately sample more southerly, developed areas in the boreal forest could result in BBS trends that are not representative of range-wide trends for species whose range is centred farther north.

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In the debate over the construction of the Brazilian national state, we assume that this process has established itself at the heart of a fragmentary appreciation of their aesthetic variants, forming a controversial ideology spatial sense of identity to the nation. progress, modernization and territorial integration emerge as slogans on the link between the imagined nation, Brazil Imperial, and the nation as concretized throughout the twentieth century, despite the discourse and actions in the rescue culture synthesis Brazilianness. It is evident, that scope, a tendency to think the nation more as a product of a cultural elite (fragments of baroque and colonial cities consecrated) than through symbols forming territories hybrids representatives of all of their constructors: the antagonistic protagonists.