Hizballah

Gunning, Jeroen. Hizballah and the logic of political participation, In: 'Terror, Insurgency and the State: Ending Protracted Conflicts', Heiberg, Marianne, O'Leary, Brendan & Tirman, John (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), p.157-188, 2007. RAE2008

The politicization of indigenous identities in Peru

Until now, scholars have argued that, unlike other Latin American countries with sizable indigenous populations, indigenous politics are largely unimportant in Peru because indigenous-based parties or national-level movements are absent. Rather than focusing solely on the emergence of indigenous parties or movements, which ignores the larger consequence of individuals' indigenous identifications for electoral politics, we argue that it is more important to examine the emergence of indigenous political divisions and their effects on indigenous representation. Using data from the World Values Survey across the presidential elections of 1995, 2001, and 2006, we show that, as indigenous identity has become more carefully defined, indigenous voting divisions have emerged in Peru, and concomitantly, parties have begun to recognize and respond to these divisions.

Le sionisme : une analyse morphologique

Le sionisme est un mouvement politique et une idéologie nationale. Son histoire, si elle est celle d'une libération nationale, est aussi celle d'une tragédie. C'est une tragédie partagée par deux peuples dont les aspirations sont tout autant légitimes. Afin de bien comprendre et éventuellement d'être en mesure de surmonter cette tragédie, une analyse morphologique du sionisme est entreprise. L'approche morphologique de l'étude des idéologies a été développée par Michael Freeden. Appliquée au sionisme, elle fait ressortir quatre concepts fondamentaux de cette idéologie : la nation, l'antisémitisme, galout et la renaissance nationale. L'analyse de ces quatre concepts permettra de suivre l'évolution conceptuelle du sionisme à travers le temps et ses différentes variations idéationnelles. De plus, cela permettra de montrer comment le sionisme en tant qu'idéologie nationale s'est transformé en fonction des contextes sociopolitiques auxquels il était confronté.

Analyse du regard de trois quotidiens français sur l'Algérie postcoloniale : 1962-1971

L’empire colonial français se désagrège à partir des années 1950. Après la perte des colonies fondées au Maroc et en Indochine, la France doit faire face à la sécession de sa plus importante colonie, l’Algérie. La population française accepte difficilement cette sécession puisqu’il ne s’agit pas uniquement de la chute de l’empire colonial mais aussi de la destruction d’idéaux qui lui étaient chers. Plus que la peur de ne plus être un empire colonial, les Français redoutent la perte de leur statut de puissance mondiale et de leur vision de pays possédant une mission civilisatrice. Pour comprendre l’évolution de la perception de l’Algérie en France après la décolonisation algérienne à travers plusieurs courants de pensée, ce mémoire se penche sur les éditoriaux publiés dans trois journaux français (Le Figaro, L’Humanité et Le Monde) entre 1962 et 1971 qui traitent d’événements qui se sont déroulés en Algérie. Il se penche plus particulièrement sur le terrorisme de l’OAS au moment de l’indépendance algérienne, le conflit au sein du Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) pour décider qui détiendra le pouvoir, le conflit avec le Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), la guerre avec le Maroc, le coup d’état de Boumedienne et la nationalisation du pétrole algérien.

Armed conflict and paramilitary groups in Chiapas

The armed conflict in Chiapas began in 1994 after the armed uprising of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Until now the Mexican government do not recognize the existence of an armed conflict there, for what they call inter-ethnic violence that happens in different municipalities in Chiapas. This study aims at demonstrating that, first, the Mexican state of Chiapas has an armed conflict since the mid-nineties, which has intensified and transformed over sixteen years. It is in this transformation that have emerged paramilitary groups seeking to destabilize the state, generating dynamics of appropriation and control of territory through different practices such as forced displacements, selective assassinations and terror spread within populations who are the targets of their attacks (mainly community support of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation). This work studied the "Peace and Justice" paramilitary group operating in different parts of the state of Chiapas, mainly in the Northern Zone. This case-study will look at the changes it has undergone Mexican democracy, which will be analyzed at two points: first, the failure of federal and Chiapas state to allow or endorse the creation of paramilitary groups and not to punish their actions; on the other, the consequences of the actions of such actors in democratic institutions, and democracy itself. Will seek to demonstrate that indeed both the permissiveness of the Mexican state and its complicity has weakened democracy in Mexico, since they are not able to manage conflict so that they do not degenerate into violence.

Por mi voz habla el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional’ la evolución discursiva del zapatismo en las declaraciones de la selva lacandona, 1994-1996

El propósito de este artículo es definir la naturaleza y el proceso evolutivo del discurso del EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) en su etapa temprana de presencia pública, de 1994 a 1996. El análisis de discurso propuesto está enfocado en identificar los parámetros por medio de los cuales los zapatistas entablan diálogos con el gobierno mexicano y con la sociedad civil nacional e internacional, en el marco de su lucha de emancipación. Dichos parámetros son identificados mediante la lectura detallada de las cuatro Declaraciones de la Selva Lacandona, las cuales, concebidas por los zapatistas como sus instrumentos privilegiados de comunicación con la sociedad civil, pueden ayudarnos a identificar el terreno en el que establecen sus bases ideológicas y operativas, como movimiento político y percibir las diferentes forma de manifestación de su proyecto político e ideológico. La metodología utilizada para realizar una lectura detallada de estos textos está influida en gran medida por la propuesta heurística de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe, sobre el análisis de luchas políticas que intentan cuestionar y desplazar poderes y discursos hegemónicos, en el ámbito de lo político y lo ideológico.---The purpose of this article is to define the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) discourse, its nature and the evolving process involved in its early public presence, between 1994 and 1996. The proposed discourse analysis is focused to identify the parameters used by the zapatistas to carry out dialogue processes with the Mexican Government, national and international civil society, whilst undertaking their emancipatory struggle. These parameters are identified through a close reading of the four Declarations of the Lacandona Jungle, conceived by the zapatistas as privileged instruments for the communication of their message to civil society. The latter can provide interesting insights on the ideological and operative basis of this political movement, as well as the different levels of manifestation of the zapatista political and ideological project. The methodology that is used to elaborate a detailed reading of these texts is influenced greatly by the political thought of Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mffe. Laclau and Mouffe have long reflected on the possibility of analysing political struggles that attempt to question and displace hegemonic discourse and powers in the ideological and political field. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Both have reflected on the possibility of analysing political struggles thatattempt to question and displace hegemonic discourse and powers in the ideological and political field.

El concepto de autonomía en la educación indígena en las escuelas zapatistas del sur de México

El interés de este estudio de caso es conocer el concepto de autonomía educativa indígena planteado desde la experiencia del Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional en México por medio de las escuelas Zapatistas en Chiapas, sur de México. Se analiza cómo un ejército indígena llegó a crear escuelas rebeldes autónomas generando su propio concepto de autonomía educativa por y para indígenas y cuáles son sus aportes al concepto oficial de autonomía indígena en México. Se evidencia que aspectos como los métodos culturales de enseñanza y aprendizaje, la cohesión social y el sentido de lo colectivo, entre otros, configuran una noción de autonomía indígena para las escuelas zapatistas y las comunidades del gobierno mexicano que pone en entre dicho la autonomía educativa institucional que se guía por las exigencias de un sistema educativo globalizado.

Transformación de la Doctrina de Seguridad de la OTAN, en la Post- Guerra Fría, y sus efectos en la intervención en Macedonia (2001-2003)

El objetivo de esta monografía es examinar la transformación de la doctrina de seguridad de la OTAN en la Post-Guerra Fría y sus efectos en la intervención en la República de Macedonia. La desintegración del bloque soviético implicó la variación en la definición de las amenazas que atentan contra la supervivencia de los países miembro de la Alianza Atlántica. A partir de la década de los noventa, los conflictos de naturaleza interétnica pasaron a formar parte de los riesgos que transgreden la seguridad de los Aliados y la estabilidad del área Euro-Atlántica. Por lo anterior, la OTAN intervino en aquellos Estados en los que prevalecían las confrontaciones armadas interétnicas, como por ejemplo: en Macedonia. Allí, la Alianza Atlántica ejecutó operaciones de gestión de crisis para contrarrestar la amenaza. El fenómeno a estudiar en esta investigación será analizado a partir del Realismo Subalterno y de la Teoría de la Seguridad Colectiva.

Prostitutas entendidas: o que entender?

In this research, we propose a discussion from that observed in our field of work that women are prostitutes and who self-define understood. We check these women have sex with men by means of work and with women from the relationship of affection. We analyzed the practice of sexual activity as another possible expression of sexuality. There are many studies that deal with issues around the theme of prostitution and homosexuality in regard to various aspects and disciplines. Our proposal for study with these women is a topic that is on the agenda, as today, the theme of prostitution and homosexuality is well discussed within the Humanities in general. These new studies indicate about sexuality in a privileged place discussing values associated with the intimacy of the modern person, but also suggest that permeate discussions elements underlying the identity of women who have sex with women and men, the latter being, sexual activity mediated through the employment relationship by the financial interest, because according to our informants, prostitution is a job. From the reports of our participants / informants your answers fit the various brands that define the social field of possibilities of the sexual practices of individuals, raising questions about the origin and social class, family history, stage of life they are set of gender relations in the universe in which they live. All these elements provide the beacons to the process of shaping of subjectivity, understood as the social and biographical circumstances that define the direction I face this new constitution of the subject, it is defined by many theorists of the humanities, such as post-modern or modernity, and the insurgency that we have with the liberation movements that gays and lesbians were in question and make the politicization of sexuality

Protagonismo silencioso: a presença da OPAS na formação de recursos humanos em saúde no Brasil

The aim of this study is to assess the contribution of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to the field of human resources for health in Brazil. The assumption is that this organization not only influenced the development of this field, but but that it was also influenced by Brazilian institutions and by national political movements, through the interaction of its consultants with these movements. Four projects were selected, through which the contribution of PAHO was evaluated: the Program for the Strategic Preparation of Health Personnel (PPREPS), the Project for the Large Scale Formation of Middle and Low Level Personnel (Large Scale Project), the Project for Qualification in the Development of Human Resources in Health (CADRHU) and the Project for the Managerial Development of Basic Units of the National Health System (GERUS). To operacionalize the study, we used three basic complementary procedures: a bibliographic research, documental research and an interview. The time frame considered was from 1975, the year an agreement was signed between PAHO, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education and Culture, establishing PPREPS. It was through this program that the first PAHO team of national human resource consultants was contracted. The period between 1975 and 1999 was marked by political and social movements that changed the course of health in the country; among these was the Movement of Sanitary Reform in Brazil, which culminated in the implementation of the National Health System (SUS). This paper shows the connections of the PAHO consultants with this movement and the implications that this had for the Program of Cooperation in the Development of Human Resources of PAHO/Brazil. It also demonstrates that as the program became contaminated by national movements of health system reorganization and of democratization of Brazilian society, it proposed, in cooperation with national institutions, an organization of determinate areas of operation of these same institutions. The manuscript further reveals that, with the Large Scale Project, the human resources program determined the pedagogical and methodological option that would be the model for various other educational projects undertaken by a number of Brazilian institutions with the technical cooperation of PAHO. And finally, the repercussions and contributions of these projects, which strengthened the the field of human resources in the public health services of the country, are identified. Data analysis was based mainly on the theories of Bourdieu, Gramsci and Freire

Da montanha ao quartel: atuação e influência do Exército Popular Sandinista na Nicarágua

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Amílcar Cabral e a independência da Guiné Bissau e Cabo Verde

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

El Salvador: da guerra civil às reformas institucionais dos anos 1990

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Votán-Zapata contra a Besta-fera: escritos do EZLN contra o capitalismo no México

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

Lecturas de la violencia anarquista : una crítica al expansionismo del concepto "terrorismo"

El concepto “terrorismo", de presencia casi cotidiana debido al problema yihadista, suele ser utilizado por politólogos, sociólogos, periodistas e historiadores para cubrir un amplio espectro de acciones directas que poca relación tienen entre sí. De hecho, la violencia anarquista, desde su aparición en el Fin de Siècle europeo, fue caracterizada de esa forma, aunque principalmente por sus detractores. En este trabajo analizaremos el concepto “terrorismo anarquista" enunciando cuáles son sus principales límites a la hora de estudiar la violencia libertaria. Por otro lado, se cuestionarán las equiparaciones realizadas entre la violencia anarquista y la violencia yihadista, y las que se han hecho entre la primera y las acciones directas llevadas a cabo por hackers y movimientos de liberación animal, a los que cierta literatura suele asociar con lo libertario y lo terrorista.