980 resultados para Modern liberal world


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In this modern complex world, stress at work is found to be increasingly a common feature in day to day life. For the same reason, job stress is one of the active areas in occupational health and safety research for over last four decades and is continuing to attract researchers in academia and industry. Job stress in process industries is of concern due to its influence on process safety, and worker‘s safety and health. Safety in process (chemical and nuclear material) industry is of paramount importance, especially in a thickly populated country like India. Stress at job is the main vector in inducing work related musculoskeletal disorders which in turn can affect the worker health and safety in process industries. In view of the above, the process industries should try to minimize the job stress in workers to ensure a safe and healthy working climate for the industry and the worker. This research is mainly aimed at assessing the influence of job stress in inducing work related musculoskeletal disorders in chemical process industries in India

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Supervision ist Beratung beruflichen Handelns. Zentrales Anliegen der Dissertation ist die Entwicklung der Arbeitswelt in der Moderne sowie die aktuellen Veränderungen näher zu beleuchten, um ihre Bedeutung für die Supervision zu eruieren. Vorab werden die Geschichte und Weiterentwicklung der Supervision mit ihren Spannungsfeldern skizziert. Der Hauptteil handelt von der Herausbildung und Durchsetzung der kapitalistischen Produktionsweise. Es wird dargelegt, was für ein vielschichtiger Prozess für den einzelnen und die Gesellschaft in Gang gesetzt wurde, um die moderne Wirtschaftsweise zu installieren und welche Unterstützung aus anderen Bereichen -Religion, Politik etc. - dazu von Nöten war. Darüber hinaus wird aufgezeigt, welche Konflikte von Anfang an vorhanden waren. Das Hauptaugenmerk richtet sich auf die Prämissen der modernen Arbeitswelt und die mögliche Inkompatibilität ihrer Anliegen: Gewinn und Gerechtigkeit, Konkurrenz und Kooperation, freier Markt und staatliche Regulation, Gleichheit und Spezialisierung, Individualität und Kollektivität. Konflikte und Verstrickungen, die sich daraus für den arbeitenden Menschen ergeben und somit Thema für die Supervision wurden, werden herausgearbeitet. In bezug auf Supervision wird dargestellt, welche Problematik der Wirtschaftsweise immanent ist und schwerlich durch Beratung aufgelöst werden kann. Eine bedeutsame Stellung nimmt die Arbeit als eine zentrale Kategorie der Ökonomie ein. Die Verflechtung von Arbeit und Ökonomie sowie der Entwicklungsverlauf von Arbeit werden skizziert: vom Fordismus zur Globalisierung. Beschrieben und erörtert werden die Konsequenzen für die aktuellen Arbeitsformen und -bedingungen durch die Produktivkraftentwicklung und die neuen Produktionskonzepte. Arbeit wird kritisch in ihrer Funktion für die kapitalistische Produktionsweise reflektiert, mit ihren Beeinträchtigungen für den tätigen Menschen. Das ambivalente Verhältnis von Mensch und Ökonomie wird als das signifikanteste Spannungsfeld für die Supervision betrachtet, verbunden mit der Herausforderung, Supervision nicht zu einer Beratungstechnologie zur Anpassung und Funktionalisierung des Menschen an die sich immer rascher verändernde Arbeitswelt zu zuschneiden.

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La idea de la voluntad del pueblo como expresión de la soberanía es propia de la teoríapolítica que busca explicar el origen del Estado moderno liberal. La compatibilidad entre lalibertad individual de sujetos considerados iguales y el ejercicio del poder político requierepensar a los ciudadanos como sujetos libres, y esto se logra cuando el poder que se ejercesobre ellos se concibe como un poder que nace solo de los propios ciudadanos. En laconcepción individualista de la democracia, los derechos de los individuos son anteriores ytienen primacía sobre la pertenencia a la sociedad. Sin embargo, no es necesario asumir estaconcepción para defender esa primacía. Se la puede defender solo respecto de las decisionesde la sociedad. Desde esta posición, es posible concebir el conflicto entre soberanía populary derechos humanos. La transición política uruguaya ejemplifica esa posibilidad. A través de un referéndum y un plebiscito convocados por la propia sociedad, la mayoría avaló laLey de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado, que impide los juicios por los gravescrímenes cometidos durante la dictadura. La Corte idh declaró, en el 2011, que esa decisiónpopular violaba la cadh y que la soberanía popular está sujeta a los límites que le imponenlos derechos humanos. Los análisis de esta decisión se han centrado en la obligación del Estadode acatarla, pero no en lo que ella significa para la comprensión contemporánea de lademocracia. Eso es lo que pretendo hacer en este artículo, a través de dos tesis: el conflictose mantiene si el concepto de democracia es un concepto procedimental; y la Corte idhofrece un concepto que abre un camino a la solución del conflicto.

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The scholarly study of the dramatic works and career of Thomas Heywood has increased significantly in the last fifty years but still lags far behind that of his contemporaries Shakespeare and Jonson. Labelled the ‘prose Shakespeare’ by Charles Lamb in the early nineteenth century, Heywood seems to have been considered by scholars and publishers to be a ghostly figure who haunted the early modern theatrical world. In fact, recent research using archival records shows the ways in which Heywood is at the centre of an extensive and highly networked professional industry.

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As relações de consumo, da mesma forma como relações privadas em geral, têm assumido caráter internacional. O crescente fenômeno acarreta, contudo, o incremento de vulnerabilidade do consumidor, a qual, em nível nacional, já exige que o direito restabeleça o desequilíbrio intrínseco à relação de consumo. Em nível internacional, assim, esses desafios aumentam, especialmente porque as normas conflituais clássicas foram construídas a partir da sociedade liberal moderna, que buscava basicamente a manutenção da igualdade formal entre os indivíduos, sem preocupações de cunho material. No Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro essa situação se repete. Busca o presente trabalho, portanto, construir propostas para o Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro de defesa do consumidor. Na primeira parte do trabalho, então, são analisadas as causas da vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo, constatando-se estar no liberalismo jurídico e suas conseqüências na disciplina, bem como o duplo papel do princípio da autonomia da vontade. Por um lado, a autonomia permite o reconhecimento do indivíduo no plano internacional, mas por outro demonstra a insuficiência do modelo conflitual clássico. Diante da crise do modelo liberal moderno, discutem-se, na segunda parte do trabalho, os remédios para superar a vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo. Analisa-se a informação enquanto forma de mitigar a vulnerabilidade do consumidor. Abordam-se, ainda, as formas de se encontrar a lei mais favorável ao consumidor. Nas conclusões, enfim, constrói-se uma sugestão de redação para a lei brasileira de proteção internacional do consumidor.

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Esta pesquisa busca trabalhar com diferentes concepções de mundo e de conhecimento, investigando a articulação entre o sentido que elas possuem para os professores de Matemática e suas concepções de ensino e de Educação. O estudo gira em torno de discussões que ocorreram em um curso de extensão para professores de Matemática. Esse curso tratou de concepções de mundo e de conhecimento, relacionando-as com diferentes regiões do saber, como Matemática, Física, Ecologia e Artes, focando a transição entre a concepção de mundo da Época Moderna para a concepção de mundo que vem se construindo na denominada Época Pós-moderna ou Contemporânea. A meta é compreender o sentido que aquelas concepções têm para os professores e destacar possíveis momentos de metacompreensão sobre a articulação entre essas concepções e sua prática docente. A metodologia utilizada é qualitativa, de uma perspectiva fenomenológica.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the challenges to Political Sciences at the moment when many authors emphasize the usage of democratic paradigm as the only way to the rational building of speech in pluralist societies. At the end of one century of the consolidation of modern liberal thought, both in right and left versions (Wallerstein, 1995), the democracy as research tradition(Ball, 1987) fades away its ethical meaning, based upon equality and freedom, and lacks room for discussions about rules for implementing it. The analytical method seeks to historically rebuild the different levels of modern state-nation upbringing and the consolidation of competitive party democracy in the 20th century, which is the explanation key for the political organizational phenomenon of globalized societies. The result of this analysis opens new perspectives to Political Sciences advance in discussing the nature of democratic paradigm since it needs to face challenges to survive, such as: the fight against the structural violence of our society; the fight against despotism; and the adjustment to the meaning of the word freedom. The facing of the mentioned challenges may open explanation keys that will lead to a change in Political Sciences ways.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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The philosopher and novelist Ayn Rand (1905–1982) is an icon of American culture. That culture misunderstands her, however. It perceives her solely as a pure market conservative. In the first forty years of her life, Rand's individualism was intellectual and served as a defense for the free trade of ideas. It originated in the Russian Revolution. In 1926, when Rand left the Soviet Union, she developed her individualism into an American philosophy. Her ideas of the individual in society belonged to a debate where intellectuals intended to abolish the State and free man and woman from its intellectual snares. To present Rand as a freethinker allows me to examine her anticommunism as a reaction against Leninism and to consider the relation of her ideas to Marxism. This approach stresses that Rand, as Marx, opposed the State and argued for the historical importance of a capitalist revolution. For Rand the latter, however, depended on an entrepreneurial class that rejected Protestantism as ideology – which she contended threatened its interests because Christianity had lost its historical significance. This exposes the nature of Rand's intellectual individualism in American society, where the majority on the entire political spectrum still identified with the teachings of Christ. It also reveals the dynamics of her anticommunism. From 1926 to 1943, Rand remodeled American individualism and as she did so, she determined her opposition first to the New Deal liberals and second business conservatives. To these ends, Marxism and Protestantism served Rand's individualism and made her an American icon of the twentieth century.

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This chapter draws on group and individual interviews with 735 European Muslims in 5 European countries and explores some key aspects of the politics of memory that form an inextricable component of European Muslim self-definitions, discourses and narratives deployed in the attempt to negotiate their inclusion in European societies.

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Nueva España aportó la mayor parte de los recursos que sostuvieron a las fuerzas armadas españolas durante la guerra contra Gran Bretaña que se desarrolló en el Caribe entre 1779 y 1783. En el artículo se analizan las medidas a las que recurrieron las autoridades reales para obtener recursos extraordinarios del Consulado y varios mercaderes de la ciudad de México. Asimismo se exponen algunas de las contraprestaciones que negociaron a cambio de dichos servicios financieros y se plantean diversas hipótesis acerca de los motivos económicos, sociales y políticos que los llevaron a colaborar con el monarca, teniendo en cuenta los negocios que realizaban durante el conflicto bélico y la forma en que eran afectados por la reciente apertura comercial.

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Inspired both by debates about the origins of the modern ideology of race and also by controversy over the place of Ireland and the Irish in theories of empire in the early modern Atlantic world, Renaissance Humanism and Ethnicity before Race argues that ethnic discourse among the elite in early modern Ireland was grounded firmly in the Renaissance Humanism and Aristotelianism which dominated all the European universities before the Enlightenment. Irish and English, Catholic and Protestant, all employed theories of human society based on Aristotle’s Politics and the natural law of the medieval universities to construct or dismantle the categories of civility and barbarism. The elites operating in Ireland also shared common resources, taught in the universities, for arguing about the human body and its ability to transmit hereditary characteristics. Both in Ireland and elsewhere in Europe, these theories of human society and the human body underwent violent changes in the late seventeenth century under the impact of the early Enlightenment. These changes were vital to the development of race as we know it.