880 resultados para Mediation and conciliation, Industrial


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We consider minimal models of gauge mediated supersymmetry breaking with an extra U(1) factor in addition to the Standard Model gauge group. A U(1) charged, Standard Model singlet is assumed to be present which allows for an additional NMSSM like coupling, lambda HuHdS. The U(1) is assumed to be flavour universal. Anomaly cancellation in the MSSM sector requires additional coloured degrees of freedom. The S field can get a large vacuum expectation value along with consistent electroweak symmetry breaking. It is shown that the lightest CP even Higgs boson can attain mass of the order of 125 GeV. (C) 2014 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/).

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Industrial emergence is a broad and complex domain, with relevant perspectives ranging in scale from the individual entrepreneur and firm with the business decisions and actions they make to the policies of nations and global patterns of industrialisation. The research described in this article has adopted a holistic approach, based on structured mapping methods, in an attempt to depict and understand the dynamics and patterns of industrial emergence across a broad spectrum from early scientific discovery to large-scale industrialisation. The breadth of scope and application has enabled a framework and set of four tools to be developed that have wide applicability. The utility of the approaches has been demonstrated through case studies and trials in a diverse range of industrial contexts. The adoption of such a broad scope also presents substantial challenges and limitations, with these providing an opportunity for further research. © IMechE 2013.

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Jackson, R. (2005). Internal War, International Mediation and Non-Official Diplomacy: Lessons from Mozambique. Journal of Conflict Studies. 25(1), pp.153-76 RAE2008

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Right-wing authoritarianism is a central construct in individual differences approaches to prejudice. Its power to predict prejudice is often attributed to perceived threat. However, the exact moderating and mediating processes involved are little understood. In two studies (Ns=53, 84), exposure to threatening versus nonthreatening information about an ethnic out-group had reliable indirect effects on prejudice in authoritarians, but not in nonauthoritarians, largely because authoritarians were more likely to perceive actual threat when they interpreted the information received to represent a threatening argument. Additionally, in Study 2, authoritarians reacted more strongly with negative emotions when they perceived actual threat.

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Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

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La conciliation, un mécanisme alternatif de résolution des conflits, cherche à la fois à maintenir une relation d'affaires ainsi qu'à raviver la communication et l’équilibre des pouvoirs entre deux parties opposées. Son véritable esprit consiste à faire en sorte que le citoyen récupère son rôle principal dans la solution de ses conflits et qu’il agisse sans l'intervention de l'État. Contrairement aux autres systèmes juridiques, le système juridique colombien donne au conciliateur un pouvoir décisionnel et/ou consultatif dans un cas concret. Aussi, les termes médiation et conciliation sont parfois utilisés comme synonymes. Cependant, ces termes se différencient selon la participation du tiers conciliateur ou médiateur au processus de résolution des conflits. In mediation, the mediator controls the process through different and specific stages: introduction, joint session, caucus, and agreement, while the parties control the outcome. Par ailleurs, même si ce sont des concepts universels grâce aux textes juridiques, ces mécanismes de résolution des conflits demeurent encore méconnus des citoyens. La pratique de la conciliation ne connaît pas de frontières; elle est répandue partout dans le monde. Dans les années 90, les pays d’Amérique latine, plus précisément la Colombie, ont commencé à envisager la possibilité de prendre part dans cette enrichissante expérience grâce aux progrès législatifs et institutionnels qui ont été réalisés en matière de mécanismes alternatifs de résolution des conflits. En matière de conciliation, en Colombie, il y a une grande richesse normative mais les lois, dispersées et difficiles à interpréter, génèrent de l’insécurité et de l’incertitude juridique. De plus, entamer le processus de conciliation se fait de diverses manières, la plus controversée étant sans doute la conciliation préalable obligatoire. Cette méthode imposée a été la cible de diverses critiques. En effet, ces critiques concernent le fait qu’une telle pratique obligatoire enfreint le volontariat, un pilier fondamental de la conciliation. Aussi, le tiers conciliateur, ayant une formation de haut niveau, représente une pièce maîtresse dans le processus de conciliation vu sa grande responsabilité dans le bon déroulement de cette méthode de résolution des conflits.