Maude Object-Oriented Action Tool

MAIDL, André Murbach; CARVILHE, Claudio; MUSICANTE, Martin A. Maude Object-Oriented Action Tool. Electronic Notes in Theoretical Computer Science. [S.l:s.n], 2008.

Maude Object-Oriented Action Tool

MAIDL, André Murbach; CARVILHE, Claudio; MUSICANTE, Martin A. Maude Object-Oriented Action Tool. Electronic Notes in Theoretical Computer Science. [S.l:s.n], 2008.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

L'homosexualité dans la littérature jeunesse québécoise (1988-2003) du paratexte au personnage

Soixante ans après Orage sur mon corps, comment l'homosexualité adolescente est-elle représentée dans la littérature au Québec? Basée sur la presque totalité des romans et nouvelles pour la jeunesse qui ont abordé le thème de l'homosexualité au Québec ces 15 dernières années, cette analyse se veut d'abord et avant tout un tour d'horizon des romans et nouvelles jeunesses québécoises ou éditées dans une collection jeunesse québécoise, qui présentent un ou plusieurs personnages homosexuels"actifs". Il m'apparaît pertinent de voir, dans un premier temps, par qui ces textes ont été écrits, comment ils sont présentés, dans quelles collections et chez quels éditeurs ils ont été publiés, dans quelles circonstances ils ont pris ou non une place enviable dans la production jeunesse et quelles voies ils ont utilisées pour parvenir à leurs fins. Chaque texte est donc soumis à une analyse systématique de ses auteur, éditeur, directeur de collection, collection, titre et couverture (première et quatrième de couverture). Les informations du paratexte éclairent, dans un second temps, les personnages homosexuels qui sont présentés dans les titres retenus. L'examen du personnage s'effectue autour de points spécifiques: description (physique et psychologique), auxiliaires, références à des éléments ou personnages publics homosexuels, sexualité, autonomie et fonctionnalité dans le texte, principe de l'écart minimal, etc., tout en débordant à l'occasion sur certains éléments dignes d'attention. Cette analyse se veut un premier regard sur ces oeuvres, pour comprendre d'où elles sortent, â quoi elles répondent, dans quel courant elles s'inscrivent et comment elles s'y sont prises pour aborder un sujet délicat dans une société où l'on fait une grande place au roman-miroir tout en éprouvant un malaise évident lorsqu'il est question de sexualité adolescente."--Résumé abrégé par UMI.

L'édition de poésie pour la jeunesse au Québec (1993-2007) : le cas de la collection "Poésie" de La courte échelle

Au Québec, l'intérêt des chercheurs pour la scène éditoriale de la littérature pour la jeunesse grandit constamment. Nous avons cependant constaté l'absence de travaux sur un phénomène permettant d'accroître la diversité de cette littérature : l'édition de poésie. Bien que marginale et méconnue, cette production participe à la légitimation de la littérature pour la jeunesse en y introduisant un genre littéraire consacré. En matière de littérature pour la jeunesse, et particulièrement lorsqu'il s'agit de poésie, la médiation effectuée par le milieu scolaire représente un enjeu incontournable. Le premier chapitre dresse le portrait historique des liens établis entre le milieu scolaire et celui de la littérature pour la jeunesse depuis le XlXe siècle au Québec. La réflexion porte ensuite sur les programmes scolaires adoptés avec la réforme de l'éducation des années 2000, qui proposent de donner à l'enseignement un ancrage culturel. Dès lors, l'initiation des élèves à une littérature soutenue, issue d'une «culture seconde», devient un apprentissage essentiel. L'intérêt porté à une littérature pour la jeunesse plus exigeante crée un contexte favorable à l'édition de poésie pour la jeunesse. Le deuxième chapitre, qui porte sur la période 1993-2007, met en lumière le phénomène éditorial qui prend de l'ampleur, surtout après 2000. Outre l'analyse de ce corpus, il s'agit de retracer l'histoire de cette production laissée dans l'ombre jusqu'à ce jour. L'arrivée de la collection «Poésie» de La courte échelle en 2002 marque un moment charnière de l'édition de poésie pour la jeunesse. Le troisième chapitre du mémoire présente les stratégies éditoriales que cette collection a suscitées. Ainsi, La courte échelle a fait appel à des poètes reconnus et à des artistes visuels légitimés. La collection «Poésie» utilise des stratégies propres à la littérature pour la jeunesse, comme la conception de fiches pédagogiques visant le marché scolaire, mais ne se restreint pas à ce public. Le paratexte épuré, tout comme les titres des recueils qui évoquent des thématiques universelles, signalent que l'éditeur tente également de rejoindre un lectorat adulte.

Pour une intégration citoyenne actualisée dans les classes de français langue seconde

Le gouvernement québécois souhaite intégrer ses immigrants afin d'en faire une tranche active de la population. Cette intégration passe à la fois par l'apprentissage de la langue et par la connaissance et l'appartenance à notre culture. Les classes de français langue seconde, où transitent chaque année un bon nombre d'immigrants, sont un vecteur de choix pour la transmission des valeurs québécoises et des éléments qui fondent la culture du Québec. Or, pour permettre aux enseignants de transmettre des éléments culturels en classe, il faut un consensus, relayé sous forme de programme pédagogique ou de guides d'enseignement. Au milieu des années 1990, le ministère de l'Immigration et des Communautés culturelles du Québec a justement élaboré une vaste collection, Québec Atout, qui vise à la fois l'apprentissage du français et l'apprentissage de diverses composantes culturelles. Quinze ans plus tard, cette collection est délaissée par les intervenants en francisation, faute de mises à jour de son contenu et de son approche pédagogique. La pertinence de ce matériel n'est pas à remettre en cause. Pour actualiser Québec Atout, il faudrait cependant revoir certaines dimensions, dont les valeurs et les codes communicationnels et y intégrer une approche actionnelle. Il faudrait surtout tirer profit des technologies émergentes, qui se doivent d'être intégrées en salle de classe et qui peuvent, lorsqu'elles sont bien utilisées, devenir un puissant véhicule d'intégration.

Les pronoms relatifs: variation historique? Usage des pronoms relatifs en français à l’époque de la Nouvelle-France

Ce travail consiste à décrire l’usage des pronoms relatifs dans le français de trois scripteurs de l’époque de la Nouvelle-France afin de vérifier si la variation existante en français moderne y était également présente. Pour ce faire, une description de la norme des pronoms relatifs en français moderne et historique a été élaborée, et une étude de corpus (corpus MCVF annoté syntaxiquement, Martineau et coll., 2005-2010) comprenant des textes de scripteurs français et canadiens (François Gendron, Marie-Andrée Regnard Duplessis et Marie Morin) a été réalisée. L’analyse de 2521 occurrences a révélé que la variation présente en français moderne existait déjà à l’époque et y était même un peu plus importante, que l’usage des scripteurs est conforme aux attestations et descriptions présentes dans les documents historiques et de l’époque, et que les systèmes moderne et historique (XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles) des pronoms relatifs sont similaires.

Étude exploratoire des caractéristiques d’une relation de mentorat

Le présent projet vise à décrire des caractéristiques importantes à considérer lors de la mise sur pied d’un programme de mentorat destiné à des entraineures. Le mentorat est un des outils proposés pour recruter et garder les entraineures en poste. Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, une dyade d’entraineures a pris part à une relation de mentorat pour une durée de 18 semaines. Les résultats ont démontré l’importance de l’identification des besoins de la protégée et de la transmission de ceux-ci à la mentore. Il a aussi été remarqué que le type de rencontres ainsi que la fréquence de celles-ci engendrent des effets non négligeables sur l’évolution de la relation entre la mentore et la protégée. Le moment choisi pour la relation a aussi une incidence sur le déroulement du projet et doit être déterminé en fonction des réalités reliées au sport des participantes. Aussi, la personne responsable de superviser le projet doit adopter une attitude directive et s’assurer que chacune des étapes du programme soit convenablement réalisée. Enfin, le mentorat est un outil prometteur pour la rétention des entraineures qui doit être entrepris en fonction de critères précis. Mots clés : Entraineures, mentorat, programme.

Oximetry alone versus portable polygraphy for sleep apnea screening before bariatric surgery.

BACKGROUND: Screening for obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) is recommended as part of the preoperative assessment of obese patients scheduled for bariatric surgery. The objective of this study was to compare the sensitivity of oximetry alone versus portable polygraphy in the preoperative screening for OSA. METHODS: Polygraphy (type III portable monitor) and oximetry data recorded as part of the preoperative assessment before bariatric surgery from 68 consecutive patients were reviewed. We compared the sensitivity of 3% or 4% desaturation index (oximetry alone) with the apnea-hypopnea index (AHI; polygraphy) to diagnose OSA and classify the patients as normal (<10 events per hour), mild to moderate (10-30 events per hour), or severe (>30 events per hour). RESULTS: Using AHI, the prevalence of OSA (AHI > 10 per hour) was 57.4%: 16.2% of the patients were classified as severe, 41.2% as mild to moderate, and 42.6% as normal. Using 3% desaturation index, 22.1% were classified as severe, 47.1% as mild to moderate, and 30.9% as normal. With 4% desaturation index, 17.6% were classified as severe, 32.4% as mild, and 50% as normal. Overall, 3% desaturation index compared to AHI yielded a 95% negative predictive value to rule out OSA (AHI > 10 per hour) and a 100% sensitivity (0.73 positive predictive value) to detect severe OSA (AHI > 30 per hour). CONCLUSIONS: Using oximetry with 3% desaturation index as a screening tool for OSA could allow us to rule out significant OSA in almost a third of the patients and to detect patients with severe OSA. This cheap and widely available technique could accelerate preoperative work-up of these patients.