965 resultados para Luukkanen, Arto: The party of unbelief


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BACKGROUND Although Hodgkin's lymphoma is a highly curable disease with modern chemotherapy protocols, some patients are primary refractory or relapse after first-line chemotherapy or even after high-dose therapy and autologous stem cell transplantation. We investigated the potential role of allogeneic stem cell transplantation in this setting. DESIGN AND METHODS In this phase II study 92 patients with relapsed Hodgkin's lymphoma and an HLA-identical sibling, a matched unrelated donor or a one antigen mismatched, unrelated donor were treated with salvage chemotherapy followed by reduced intensity allogeneic transplantation. Fourteen patients showed refractory disease and died from progressive lymphoma with a median overall survival after trial entry of 10 months (range, 6-17). Seventy-eight patients proceeded to allograft (unrelated donors, n=23). Fifty were allografted in complete or partial remission and 28 in stable disease. Fludarabine (150 mg/m(2) iv) and melphalan (140 mg/m(2) iv) were used as the conditioning regimen. Anti-thymocyte globulin was additionally used as graft-versus-host-disease prophylaxis for recipients of grafts from unrelated donors. RESULTS The non-relapse mortality rate was 8% at 100 days and 15% at 1 year. Relapse was the major cause of failure. The progression-free survival rate was 47% at 1 year and 18% at 4 years from trial entry. For the allografted population, the progression-free survival rate was 48% at 1 year and 24% at 4 years. Chronic graft-versus-host disease was associated with a lower incidence of relapse. Patients allografted in complete remission had a significantly better outcome. The overall survival rate was 71% at 1 year and 43% at 4 years. CONCLUSIONS Allogeneic stem cell transplantation can result in long-term progression-free survival in heavily pre-treated patients with Hodgkin's lymphoma. The reduced intensity conditioning approach significantly reduced non-relapse mortality; the high relapse rate represents the major remaining challenge in this setting. The HDR-Allo trial was registered in the European Clinical Trials Database (EUDRACT, https://eudract.ema.europa.eu/) with number 02-0036.

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It is commonly found that young people tend to adopt the political party choice of their parents. However, far less is known about the applicability of this theory when investigating radical right support. Using the Swiss Household panel data (1999e2007), this study empirically identifies the relationship between parents' preference for the Swiss radical right party SVP and their attitudes toward immigrants and the EU, and their offspring's preference for the SVP. Disaggregating fathers' and mothers' influence reveals that in particular, mothers' SVP support plays a role in SVP support among young people, even after controlling for educational similarities. We also demonstrate that girls are more likely to be influenced by their mothers than are boys. Furthermore, parents' negative attitudes toward the EU exert a positive influence on their children's radical right voting, independent of their voting pattern.

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Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.

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Issue ownership theory argues that when a voter considers a party to be the most competent amongst others to deal with an issue (that is, the party "owns" the issue), chances are the voter will vote for that party. Recent work has shown that perceptions of issue ownership are dynamic: they are affected by the media coverage of party messages. However, based on the broad literature on partisan bias, we predict that parties' efforts to change issue ownership perceptions will have a difficult time breaching the perceptual screen created by a voter's party preference. Using two separate experiments with a similar design we show that the effect of partisan issue messages on issue competence is moderated by party preference. The effect of issue messages is reinforced when people already like a party, and blocked when people dislike a party.

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Sähköisen kaupankäynnin kasvun myötä, itsenäisten yritysten tietojärjestelmien integraation tarve on moninkertaistunut viime vuosien aikana. Yritykset ovat huomanneet, että tilaus-toimitusketjun automatisointiin tähtäävällä kokonaisvaltaisella integraatio-ratkaisulla on mahdollista päästä kattaviin kustannussäästöihin sekä tulojen kasvuun. Pääsääntöisesti yritykset kuitenkin etenevät hitaammin, integroimalla aluksi pienempiä liiketoiminnan tietojärjestelmien toimintoja. Positiivisten kokemusten perusteella yritykset ovat valmiitalaajentamaan sähköisen kaupankäynnin automatisointia myös muissa toiminnoissa. Tässä työssä keskitytään tarkastelemaan eri lähestymistapojayritystenvälisen integraation toteuttamiseen, sekä analysoimaan eri keinojen liiketoiminnallisia ja teknisiä vaikutuksia. Työ on tehty yhteistyössä UPM-KymmeneWood Oy:n kanssa, jonka tavoitteena oli saada perusteelliset tiedot yrityksenvälisestä integraatiosta ja syventää tietoja sekä integraatio-palveluita tarjoavien kolmansien osapuolten toimintatavoista että heidän tarjoamista palveluista ja niiden käyttökelpoisuudesta puutuoteteollisuudessa toimivassa yrityksessä. Käytännön osuudessa on tarkemmin esitelty integraatio-palveluita tarjoavien operaattoreiden kanssa käytyjen palaverien sekä heidän toimittamien materiaalien perusteella tehdyn tutkimustyön tuloksia, sisältäen yksityiskohtaiset kuvaukset yritystenvälisen integraation mahdollistavista palveluista.

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PURPOSE This prospective multicenter phase III study compared the efficacy and safety of a triple combination (bortezomib-thalidomide-dexamethasone [VTD]) versus a dual combination (thalidomide-dexamethasone [TD]) in patients with multiple myeloma (MM) progressing or relapsing after autologous stem-cell transplantation (ASCT). PATIENTS AND METHODS Overall, 269 patients were randomly assigned to receive bortezomib (1.3 mg/m(2) intravenous bolus) or no bortezomib for 1 year, in combination with thalidomide (200 mg per day orally) and dexamethasone (40 mg orally once a day on 4 days once every 3 weeks). Bortezomib was administered on days 1, 4, 8, and 11 with a 10-day rest period (day 12 to day 21) for eight cycles (6 months), and then on days 1, 8, 15, and 22 with a 20-day rest period (day 23 to day 42) for four cycles (6 months). Results Median time to progression (primary end point) was significantly longer with VTD than TD (19.5 v 13.8 months; hazard ratio, 0.59; 95% CI, 0.44 to 0.80; P = .001), the complete response plus near-complete response rate was higher (45% v 25%; P = .001), and the median duration of response was longer (17.2 v 13.4 months; P = .03). The 24-month survival rate was in favor of VTD (71% v 65%; P = .093). Grade 3 peripheral neuropathy was more frequent with VTD (29% v 12%; P = .001) as were the rates of grades 3 and 4 infection and thrombocytopenia. CONCLUSION VTD was more effective than TD in the treatment of patients with MM with progressive or relapsing disease post-ASCT but was associated with a higher incidence of grade 3 neurotoxicity.

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Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.