709 resultados para Llagostera (Catalonia) -- Youth -- Government policy


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This Policy Brief argues that too much effort and political capital is being spent by the Commission and member states on being seen to be doing something quickly about youth unemployment when, in fact, the structural measures proposed will only have long-term effects. Expectations of immediate relief are running well above what can be delivered, especially at the EU level. Given the macroeconomic situation, no policy option will deliver a significant dent in either youth unemployment or unemployment in general. The EU policies on the table that are supposed to have an immediate effect, such as increased lending from the European Investment Bank to SMEs for the hiring of young people, will only have a very marginal impact on youth unemployment. Moreover, this impact will come mostly to the detriment of older unemployed persons excluded from such a scheme. Given the perceived need to ‘be seen to be doing something’, we fear that policies subsidising young workers de facto at the expense of older workers or, even worse, policies that subsidise older workers for not taking young people’s jobs, will proliferate. In fact, it is not at all clear that young people suffer more from being unemployed than older people, or even disproportionately more than older unemployed individuals. In particular, it is not clear that the much-publicised notion of a ‘lost generation’ with permanent ‘scars’ is relevant only to the young generation. The paper ends by highlighting the much-neglected policy option of encouraging labour mobility within the internal market. Although the Commission is ‘upgrading and modernising’ its tools, much more could be done in this area – to the benefit of the individuals concerned, the member states, and European integration in general.

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In April 2013, the EU Council called on EU member states to establish Youth Guarantee (YG) schemes, ensuring that “all young people under the age of 25 years receive a good-quality offer of employment, continued education, apprenticeship or traineeship within a period of four months of becoming unemployed or leaving formal education”. Implementation was meant to start more than a year ago, but political interest seems to have waned a bit. Is a ‘policy fatigue’ contaminating youth employment policies across the EU? Have some timid signs of economic recovery led to youth unemployment being less urgent or are we witnessing the usual policy developments whereby grand EU statements are worn down by political realities and resistance on the ground? In this Policy Brief, Claire Dhéret and Martina Morosi assess the implementation of the Youth Guarantee and provide suggestions on how to renew a sense of enthusiasm for such an ambitious tool across Europe.

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State-owned enterprises in China have been given greater autonomy and responsibility, have freer access to foreign technology, and are being encouraged to form groups to gain from rationalization and integration. This article uses case studies to identify the key strategic issues that affect the commercial viability of foreign technology acquisition by state-owned enterprises within the context of enterprise reforms. All the case study enterprises used technology transfer to develop new or improved products. Technologies acquired as parts of subcontracting arrangements and well-established technologies to produce end-use products are easier to manage and operate profitably. However, the latter type of technology has been imported by numerous enterprises and has led to fierce competition and industy restructuring. Importing capital-intensive and complex technology to produce major components for products, such as cars, is more difficult and requires closer coordination with customers and suppliers.

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Recerca en política comparada a Europa, concretament sobre les polítiques estatals de joventut. L’objectiu és identificar característiques singulars, idees força i pràctiques concretes, d’aquest camp de les polítiques, en alguns països europeus escollits per un seguit de factors i veure si això serveix per formular amb solvència una (o unes) classificació dels països europeus en funció del seu tipus de polítiques de joventut. En última instància també es tracta de veure si el model català de fer polítiques de joventut, és compartit per altres països i per tant homologable o és eminentment singular i únic

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El reto de la plena ciudadanía es uno de los objetivos actuales en los discursos sociales y, entre ellos, los discursos relativos a las políticas de juventud. El objetivo es justamente superar el debate teórico y discursivo y entrar en el análisis de la práctica experimentada de la ciudadanía, aquella que capacita justamente para el ejercicio práctico de los derechos reconocidos y que no tiene otra forma de lograrlo que a través del ejercicio práctico y aplicado de este derecho. Desde esta posición la finalidad de las políticas de juventud es garantizar la posibilidad y la calidad de todos los procesos que permiten hablar del ejercicio de una plena ciudadanía. Por eso hay que favorecer la emancipación juvenil entendida como el acceso a una vivienda y a un trabajo digno, pero también haber recibido una educación de calidad, tener acceso a la cultura o no estar sometido a ningún tipo de exclusión social. Por tanto, la evaluación de toda política de juventud deberá incorporar elementos para considerar la efectividad de las acciones emprendidas desde una perspectiva de integridad para favorecer la plena ciudadanía. En esta aportación presentamos una propuesta de evaluación desde esta perspectiva. El SIAPJove se concibe como una herramienta para la autoevaluación y para el análisis de la propia acción municipal en políticas de juventud. Útil para ayudar a describir la situación en que se encuentran las políticas municipales de juventud, detectar tendencias, contribuir a establecer objetivos y medir la eficacia de las políticas y los programas de juventud en el ámbito municipal. Presentamos los principales objetivos de evaluación de este sistema, el proceso de validación realizado para la construcción de este instrumento y su estructura básica como herramienta útil para la evaluación de políticas municipales de juventud

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In times of crisis, the youth policies are experiencing enormous cutbacks and transformations to the point that we are wondering whether they really exist as public policies with their own entity. The situation in which many young people find themselves in Spain leads them to wonder where the traditional protection networks are: The family, the NGO’s or the Welfare State, when they are really needed. Our objective in this article is to show and discuss the situation of the youth policies in Spain in the present context of social austerity and drastic cutbacks. We carry out this analysis from the parameters of the magical triangle that unite policies, research and social work with young people

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El treball que es presenta a continuació consisteix en una anàlisi teòrica sobre el concepte d'apoderament juvenil partint d'una aproximació al context actual i les relacions de poder que condicionen la construcció social de la joventut. L'anàlisi es basa en la relació del concepte d'apoderament amb els processos de transformació social així com de qüestionament de les estructures de poder existents avui. D'altra banda, es realitza una reflexió sobre l'ús del terme des de l'àmbit de les ciències socials, específicament des de les polítiques públiques de joventut

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L’existència d’espais per a joves sovint ha vingut donada per a fomentar la participació dels i les joves a través de la seva organització. Tot i així, la complexitat que pren aquesta ha portat a diferents formes de concebre i organitzar aquests espais, i per tant, diferents formes de dotar aquest foment de la participació. L’autogestió sovint ha estat una vessant poc impulsada des de les polítiques públiques de joventut, sense tenir-ne en compte els beneficis que aquesta pot aportar pel foment de la participació social per a representar un espai de poder decisió i veu directe pels i les mateixes joves

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Recerca en política comparada a Europa, concretament sobre les polítiques estatals de joventut. L’objectiu és identificar característiques singulars, idees força i pràctiques concretes, d’aquest camp de les polítiques, en alguns països europeus escollits per un seguit de factors i veure si això serveix per formular amb solvència una (o unes) classificació dels països europeus en funció del seu tipus de polítiques de joventut. En última instància també es tracta de veure si el model català de fer polítiques de joventut, és compartit per altres països i per tant homologable o és eminentment singular i únic

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Why do people coordinate on the use of valueless pieces of paper as generally accepted money? A possible answer is that these objects have intrinsic properties that make them better candidates to be used as media of exchange. Another answer stresses the fact that unconvertible fiat money will not easily appear unless there is a centralized institution that favors its use. The main objective of the paper is to analyze these questions. In order to do this, we take a model of commodity money in which fiat money does not play any significant role and modify it to examine under which circumstances fiat money might come to circulate as medium of exchange. Some of the results obtained from the model differ in a rather substantial way from previous related literature.

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Why do people coordinate on the use of valueless piecesof paper as generally accepted money? A possible answeris that these objects have intrinsic properties that make them better candidates to be used as media of exchange. Another answer stresses the fact that unconvertible fiat money will not easily appear unless there is a centralized institution that favors its use.The main objective of the paper is to analyze these questions. In order to do this, we take a model of commodity money in which fiat money does not play any significant role and modify it to examine under which circumstances fiat money might come to circulate as medium of exchange. Some of the results obtained from the model differ in a rather substantial way from previous related literature.

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The paper presents the method and findings of a Delphi expert survey to assess the impact of UK government farm animal welfare policy, form assurance schemes and major food retailer specifications on the welfare of animals on forms. Two case-study livestock production systems are considered, dairy and cage egg production. The method identifies how well the various standards perform in terms of their effects on a number of key farm animal welfare variables, and provides estimates of the impact of the three types of standard on the welfare of animals on forms, taking account of producer compliance. The study highlights that there remains considerable scope for government policy, together with form assurance schemes, to improve the welfare of form animals by introducing standards that address key factors affecting animal welfare and by increasing compliance of livestock producers. There is a need for more comprehensive, regular and random surveys of on-farm welfare to monitor compliance with welfare standards (legislation and welfare codes) and the welfare of farm animals over time, and a need to collect farm data on the costs of compliance with standards.

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In England at both strategic and operational levels, policy-makers in the public sector have undertaken considerable work on implementing the findings of the Every Child Matters report and subsequently through the Children's Act 2004. Legislation has resulted in many local authorities seeking to implement more holistic approaches to the delivery of children's services. At a strategic level this is demonstrated by the creation of integrated directorate structures providing for a range of services, from education to children's social care. Such services were generally under the management of the Director of Children's Services, holding statutory responsibilities for the delivery of services formally divided into the three sectors of education, health and social services. At a national level, more fundamental policy developments have sought to establish a framework through which policy-makers can address the underlying causes of deprivation, vulnerability and inequality. The Child Poverty Act, 2010, which gained Royal Assent in 2010, provides for a clear intention to reduce the number of children in poverty, acknowledging that ‘the best way to eradicate child poverty is to address the causes of poverty, rather than only treat the symptoms’. However, whilst the policy objectives of both pieces of legislation hold positive aspirations for children and young people, a change of policy direction through a change of government in May 2010 seems to be in direct contrast to the intended focus of these aims. This paper explores the impact of new government policy on the future direction of children's services both at the national and local levels. At the national level, we question the ability of the government to deliver the aspirations of the Child Poverty Act, 2010, given the broad range of influences and factors that can determine the circumstances in which a child may experience poverty. We argue that poverty is not simply an issue of the pressure of financial deprivation, but that economic recession and cuts in government spending will further increase the number of children living in poverty.

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By employing interpretive policy analysis this thesis aims to assess, measure, and explain policy capacity for government and non-government organizations involved in reclaiming Alberta's oil sands. Using this type of analysis to assess policy capacity is a novel approach for understanding reclamation policy; and therefore, this research will provide a unique contribution to the literature surrounding reclamation policy. The oil sands region in northeast Alberta, Canada is an area of interest for a few reasons; primarily because of the vast reserves of bitumen and the environmental cost associated with developing this resource. An increase in global oil demand has established incentive for industry to seek out and develop new reserves. Alberta's oil sands are one of the largest remaining reserves in the world, and there is significant interest in increasing production in this region. Furthermore, tensions in several oil exporting nations in the Middle East remain unresolved, and this has garnered additional support for a supply side solution to North American oil demands. This solution relies upon the development of reserves in both the United States and Canada. These compounding factors have contributed to the increased development in the oil sands of northeastern Alberta. Essentially, a rapid expansion of oil sands operations is ongoing, and is the source of significant disturbance across the region. This disturbance, and the promises of reclamation, is a source of contentious debates amongst stakeholders and continues to be highly visible in the media. If oil sands operations are to retain their social license to operate, it is critical that reclamation efforts be effective. One concern non-governmental organizations (NGOs) expressed criticizes the current monitoring and enforcement of regulatory programs in the oil sands. Alberta's NGOs have suggested the data made available to them originates from industrial sources, and is generally unchecked by government. In an effort to discern the overall status of reclamation in the oil sands this study explores several factors essential to policy capacity: work environment, training, employee attitudes, perceived capacity, policy tools, evidence based work, and networking. Data was collected through key informant interviews with senior policy professionals in government and non-government agencies in Alberta. The following are agencies of interest in this research: Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (CAPP); Alberta Environment and Sustainable Resource Development (AESRD); Alberta Energy Regulator (AER); Cumulative Environmental Management Association (CEMA); Alberta Environment Monitoring, Evaluation, and Reporting Agency (AEMERA); Wood Buffalo Environmental Association (WBEA). The aim of this research is to explain how and why reclamation policy is conducted in Alberta's oil sands. This will illuminate government capacity, NGO capacity, and the interaction of these two agency typologies. In addition to answering research questions, another goal of this project is to show interpretive analysis of policy capacity can be used to measure and predict policy effectiveness. The oil sands of Alberta will be the focus of this project, however, future projects could focus on any government policy scenario utilizing evidence-based approaches.

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The debate about the dynamics and potential policy responses to asset inflation has intensified in recent years. Some analysts, notably Borio and Lowe, have called for 'subtle' changes to existing monetary targeting frameworks to try to deal with the problems of asset inflation and have attempted to developed indicators of financial vulnerability to aid this process. In contrast, this paper argues that the uncertainties involved in understanding financial market developments and their potential impact on the real economy are likely to remain too high to embolden policy makers. The political and institutional risks associated with policy errors are also significant. The fundamental premise that a liberalised financial system is based on 'efficient' market allocation cannot be overlooked. The corollary is that any serious attempt to stabilize financial market outcomes must involve at least a partial reversal of deregulation.