942 resultados para Lexical processing
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
The mismatch negativity (MMN) response to complex tones and spoken words in individuals with aphasia
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Background: The mismatch negativity (MMN) is a fronto-centrally distributed event-related potential (ERP) that is elicited by any discriminable auditory change. It is an ideal neurophysiological tool for measuring the auditory processing skills of individuals with aphasia because it can be elicited even in the absence of attention. Previous MMN studies have shown that acoustic processing of tone or pitch deviance is relatively preserved in aphasia, whereas the basic acoustic processing of speech stimuli can be impaired (e.g., auditory discrimination). However, no MMN study has yet investigated the higher levels of auditory processing, such as language-specific phonological and/or lexical processing, in individuals with aphasia. Aims: The aim of the current study was to investigate the MMN response of normal and language-disordered subjects to tone stimuli and speech stimuli that incorporate the basic auditory processing (acoustic, acoustic-phonetic) levels of non-speech and speech sound processing, and also the language-specific phonological and lexical levels of spoken word processing. Furthermore, this study aimed to correlate the aphasic MMN data with language performance on a variety of tasks specifically targeted at the different levels of spoken word processing. Methods M Procedures: Six adults with aphasia (71.7 years +/- 3.0) and six healthy age-, gender-, and education-matched controls (72.2 years +/- 5.4) participated in the study. All subjects were right-handed and native speakers of English. Each subject was presented with complex harmonic tone stimuli, differing in pitch or duration, and consonant-vowel (CV) speech stimuli (non-word /de:/versus real world/deI/). The probability of the deviant for each tone or speech contrast was 10%. The subjects were also presented with the same stimuli in behavioural discrimination tasks, and were administered a language assessment battery to measure their auditory comprehension skills. Outcomes O Results: The aphasic subjects demonstrated attenuated MMN responses to complex tone duration deviance and to speech stimuli (words and non-words), and their responses to the frequency, duration, and real word deviant stimuli were found to strongly correlate with performance on the auditory comprehension section of the Western Aphasia Battery (WAB). Furthermore, deficits in attentional lexical decision skills demonstrated by the aphasic subjects correlated with a word-related enhancement demonstrated during the automatic MMN paradigm, providing evidence to support the word advantage effect, thought to reflect the activation of language-specific memory traces in the brain for words. Conclusions: These results indicate that the MMN may be used as a technique for investigating general and more specific auditory comprehension skills of individuals with aphasia, using speech and/or non-speech stimuli, independent of the individual's attention. The combined use of the objective MMN technique and current clinical language assessments may result in improved rehabilitative management of aphasic individuals.
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The processing of lexical ambiguity in context was investigated in eight individuals with schizophrenia and a matched control group. Participants made speeded lexical decisions on the third word in auditory word triplets representing concordant (coin-bank-money), discordant (river-bank-money). neutral (day-bank-money), and unrelated (river-day-money) conditions. When the interstimulus interval (ISI) between the words was 100 ms. individuals with schizophrenia demonstrated priming consistent with selective. context-based lexical activation. At 1250 ms ISI a pattern of nonselective meaning facilitation was obtained. These results suggest an attentional breakdown in the sustained inhibition of meanings on the basis of lexical context. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science (USA).
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This lexical decision study with eye tracking of Japanese two-kanji-character words investigated the order in which a whole two-character word and its morphographic constituents are activated in the course of lexical access, the relative contributions of the left and the right characters in lexical decision, the depth to which semantic radicals are processed, and how nonlinguistic factors affect lexical processes. Mixed-effects regression analyses of response times and subgaze durations (i.e., first-pass fixation time spent on each of the two characters) revealed joint contributions of morphographic units at all levels of the linguistic structure with the magnitude and the direction of the lexical effects modulated by readers’ locus of attention in a left-to-right preferred processing path. During the early time frame, character effects were larger in magnitude and more robust than radical and whole-word effects, regardless of the font size and the type of nonwords. Extending previous radical-based and character-based models, we propose a task/decision-sensitive character-driven processing model with a level-skipping assumption: Connections from the feature level bypass the lower radical level and link up directly to the higher character level.
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ERPs were elicited to (1) words, (2) pseudowords derived from these words, and (3) nonwords with no lexical neighbors, in a task involving listening to immediately repeated auditory stimuli. There was a significant early (P200) effect of phonotactic probability in the first auditory presentation, which discriminated words and pseudowords from nonwords; and a significant somewhat later (N400) effect of lexicality, which discriminated words from pseudowords and nonwords. There was no reliable effect of lexicality in the ERPs to the second auditory presentation. We conclude that early sublexical phonological processing differed according to phonotactic probability of the stimuli, and that lexically-based redintegration occurred for words but did not occur for pseudowords or nonwords. Thus, in online word recognition and immediate retrieval, phonological and/or sublexical processing plays a more important role than lexical level redintegration.
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There is evidence that the explicit lexical-semantic processing deficits which characterize aphasia may be observed in the absence of implicit semantic impairment. The aim of this article was to critically review the international literature on lexical-semantic processing in aphasia, as tested through the semantic priming paradigm. Specifically, this review focused on aphasia and lexical-semantic processing, the methodological strengths and weaknesses of the semantic paradigms used, and recent evidence from neuroimaging studies on lexical-semantic processing. Furthermore, evidence on dissociations between implicit and explicit lexical-semantic processing reported in the literature will be discussed and interpreted by referring to functional neuroimaging evidence from healthy populations. There is evidence that semantic priming effects can be found both in fluent and in non-fluent aphasias, and that these effects are related to an extensive network which includes the temporal lobe, the pre-frontal cortex, the left frontal gyrus, the left temporal gyrus and the cingulated cortex.
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The group analysed some syntactic and phonological phenomena that presuppose the existence of interrelated components within the lexicon, which motivate the assumption that there are some sublexicons within the global lexicon of a speaker. This result is confirmed by experimental findings in neurolinguistics. Hungarian speaking agrammatic aphasics were tested in several ways, the results showing that the sublexicon of closed-class lexical items provides a highly automated complex device for processing surface sentence structure. Analysing Hungarian ellipsis data from a semantic-syntactic aspect, the group established that the lexicon is best conceived of being as split into at least two main sublexicons: the store of semantic-syntactic feature bundles and a separate store of sound forms. On this basis they proposed a format for representing open-class lexical items whose meanings are connected via certain semantic relations. They also proposed a new classification of verbs to account for the contribution of the aspectual reading of the sentence depending on the referential type of the argument, and a new account of the syntactic and semantic behaviour of aspectual prefixes. The partitioned sets of lexical items are sublexicons on phonological grounds. These sublexicons differ in terms of phonotactic grammaticality. The degrees of phonotactic grammaticality are tied up with the problem of psychological reality, of how many degrees of this native speakers are sensitive to. The group developed a hierarchical construction network as an extension of the original General Inheritance Network formalism and this framework was then used as a platform for the implementation of the grammar fragments.
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Three studies investigated the relation between symbolic gestures and words, aiming at discover the neural basis and behavioural features of the lexical semantic processing and integration of the two communicative signals. The first study aimed at determining whether elaboration of communicative signals (symbolic gestures and words) is always accompanied by integration with each other and, if present, this integration can be considered in support of the existence of a same control mechanism. Experiment 1 aimed at determining whether and how gesture is integrated with word. Participants were administered with a semantic priming paradigm with a lexical decision task and pronounced a target word, which was preceded by a meaningful or meaningless prime gesture. When meaningful, the gesture could be either congruent or incongruent with word meaning. Duration of prime presentation (100, 250, 400 ms) randomly varied. Voice spectra, lip kinematics, and time to response were recorded and analyzed. Formant 1 of voice spectra, and mean velocity in lip kinematics increased when the prime was meaningful and congruent with the word, as compared to meaningless gesture. In other words, parameters of voice and movement were magnified by congruence, but this occurred only when prime duration was 250 ms. Time to response to meaningful gesture was shorter in the condition of congruence compared to incongruence. Experiment 2 aimed at determining whether the mechanism of integration of a prime word with a target word is similar to that of a prime gesture with a target word. Formant 1 of the target word increased when word prime was meaningful and congruent, as compared to meaningless congruent prime. Increase was, however, present for whatever prime word duration. In the second study, experiment 3 aimed at determining whether symbolic prime gesture comprehension makes use of motor simulation. Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation was delivered to left primary motor cortex 100, 250, 500 ms after prime gesture presentation. Motor Evoked Potential of First Dorsal Interosseus increased when stimulation occurred 100 ms post-stimulus. Thus, gesture was understood within 100ms and integrated with the target word within 250 ms. Experiment 4 excluded any hand motor simulation in order to comprehend prime word. The effect of the prior presentation of a symbolic gesture on congruent target word processing was investigated in study 3. In experiment 5, symbolic gestures were presented as primes, followed by semantically congruent target word or pseudowords. In this case, lexical-semantic decision was accompanied by a motor simulation at 100ms after the onset of the verbal stimuli. Summing up, the same type of integration with a word was present for both prime gesture and word. It was probably subsequent to understanding of the signal, which used motor simulation for gesture and direct access to semantics for words. However, gesture and words could be understood at the same motor level through simulation if words were preceded by an adequate gestural context. Results are discussed in the prospective of a continuum between transitive actions and emblems, in parallelism with language; the grounded/symbolic content of the different signals evidences relation between sensorimotor and linguistic systems, which could interact at different levels.
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To investigate the stability of trace reactivation in healthy older adults, 22 older volunteers with no significant neurological history participated in a cross-modal priming task. Whilst both object relative center embedded (ORC) and object relative right branching (ORR) sentences is-ere employed, working memory load was reduced by limiting the number of wordy separating the antecedent front the gap for both sentence types. Analysis of the results did not reveal any significant trace reactivation for the ORC or ORR sentences. The results did reveal, however, a positive correlation between age and semantic printing at the pre-gap position and a negative correlation between age and semantic printing at the gap position for ORC sentences. In contrast, there was no correlation between age and priming effects for the ORR sentences. These results indicated that trace reactivation may be sensitive to a variety of age related factors, including lexical activation and working memory. The implications of these results for sentence processing in the older population arc discussed.
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In a group of adult dyslexics word reading and, especially, word spelling are predicted more by what we have called lexical learning (tapped by a paired-associate task with pictures and written nonwords) than by phonological skills. Nonword reading and spelling, instead, are not associated with this task but they are predicted by phonological tasks. Consistently, surface and phonological dyslexics show opposite profiles on lexical learning and phonological tasks. The phonological dyslexics are more impaired on the phonological tasks, while the surface dyslexics are equally or more impaired on the lexical learning tasks. Finally, orthographic lexical learning explains more variation in spelling than in reading, and subtyping based on spelling returns more interpretable results than that based on reading. These results suggest that the quality of lexical representations is crucial to adult literacy skills. This is best measured by spelling and best predicted by a task of lexical learning. We hypothesize that lexical learning taps a uniquely human capacity to form new representations by recombining the units of a restricted set.
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This study provides evidence for a Stroop-like interference effect in word recognition. Based on phonologic and semantic properties of simple words, participants who performed a same/different word-recognition task exhibited a significant response latency increase when word pairs (e.g., POLL, ROD) featured a comparison word (POLL) that was a homonym of a synonym (pole) of the target word (ROD). These results support a parallel-processing framework of lexical decision making, in which activation of the pathways to word recognition may occur at different levels automatically and in parallel. A subset of simple words that are also brand names was examined and exhibited this same interference. Implications for word recognition theory and practical implications for strategic marketing are discussed.
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Traditionally the basal ganglia have been implicated in motor behavior, as they are involved in both the execution of automatic actions and the modification of ongoing actions in novel contexts. Corresponding to cognition, the role of the basal ganglia has not been defined as explicitly. Relative to linguistic processes, contemporary theories of subcortical participation in language have endorsed a role for the globus pallidus internus (GPi) in the control of lexical-semantic operations. However, attempts to empirically validate these postulates have been largely limited to neuropsychological investigations of verbal fluency abilities subsequent to pallidotomy. We evaluated the impact of bilateral posteroventral pallidotomy (BPVP) on language function across a range of general and high-level linguistic abilities, and validated/extended working theories of pallidal participation in language. Comprehensive linguistic profiles were compiled up to 1 month before and 3 months after BPVP in 6 subjects with Parkinson's disease (PD). Commensurate linguistic profiles were also gathered over a 3-month period for a nonsurgical control cohort of 16 subjects with PD and a group of 16 non-neurologically impaired controls (NC). Nonparametric between-groups comparisons were conducted and reliable change indices calculated, relative to baseline/3-month follow-up difference scores. Group-wise statistical comparisons between the three groups failed to reveal significant postoperative changes in language performance. Case-by-case data analysis relative to clinically consequential change indices revealed reliable alterations in performance across several language variables as a consequence of BPVP. These findings lend support to models of subcortical participation in language, which promote a role for the GPi in lexical-semantic manipulation mechanisms. Concomitant improvements and decrements in postoperative performance were interpreted within the context of additive and subtractive postlesional effects. Relative to parkinsonian cohorts, clinically reliable versus statistically significant changes on a case by case basis may provide the most accurate method of characterizing the way in which pathophysiologically divergent basal ganglia linguistic circuits respond to BPVP.
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There is now considerable evidence to suggest that non-demented people with Parkinson's disease (PD) experience difficulties using the morphosyntactic aspects of language. It remains unclear, however, at precisely which point in the processing of morphosyntax, these difficulties emerge. The major objective of the present study was to examine the impact of PD on the processes involved in accessing morphosyntactic information in the lexicon. Nineteen people with PD and 19 matched control subjects participated in the study which employed on-line word recognition tasks to examine morphosyntactic priming for local grammatical dependencies that occur both within (e.g. is going) and across (e.g. she gives) phrasal boundaries (Experiments 1 and 2, respectively). The control group evidenced robust morphosyntactic priming effects that were consistent with the involvement of both pre- (Experiment 1) and post-lexical (Experiment 2) processing routines. Whilst the participants with PD also recorded priming for dependencies within phrasal boundaries (Experiment 1), priming effects were observed over an abnormally brief time course. Further, in contrast to the controls, the PD group failed to record morphosyntactic priming for constructions that crossed phrasal boundaries (Experiment 2). The results demonstrate that attentionally mediated mechanisms operating at both the pre- and post-lexical stages of processing are able to contribute to morphosyntactic priming effects. In addition, the findings support the notion that, whilst people with PD are able to access morphosyntactic information in a normal manner, the time frame in which this information remains available for processing is altered. Deficits may also be experienced at the post-lexical integrational stage of processing.