Work and citizenship: crises and alternatives

Enterprise and Work Innovation Studies, 5

Perceptions of organizational virtuousness and happiness and predictors of organizational citizenship behaviors

Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 93 Issue 2, p214-235

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Construindo Diferenças: Representações, discriminações e identidades múltiplas de imigrantes LGBT

O objectivo principal desta dissertação é analisar as experiências e percepções de discriminação no quotidiano de imigrantes LGBT* residentes na Área Metropolitana de Lisboa. Através da realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas focando nas experiências e percepções subjectivas, procura-se entender até que ponto estas conduzem ao desenvolvimento de práticas específicas de gestão da discriminação usadas para evitar tais experiências, e qual o seu impacto no quotidiano, na vida social e na formação identitária. Por um lado, a análise centra-se no papel do corpo como marcador de diferença em práticas e discursos discriminatórios, sublinhando a importância de práticas de invisibilização de diferenças, i.e. “passing” (Goffman, 1968). Por outro lado, pretende-se explorar de que forma a discriminação é experienciada e percepcionada de forma múltipla, quer dizer, baseada em mais do que uma categoria social. Num plano mais vasto, procura-se analisar as inter-relações e intersecções entre diferentes relações de poder que se estabelecem em práticas e discursos discriminatórios, utilizando categorias de género, sexualidade, origem, nacionalidade, etnicidade e raça, e além disso, a sua influência na formação identitária de indivíduos que se encontram marginalizados.

Visual politics of the estado novo realized on the Alameda Dom Afonso Henriques in Lisbon – the construction of ideal citizenship?

The stylistic categorization of the Estado Novo has been intensely discussed by Portuguese art historians. The square Alameda Dom Afonso Henriques in Lisbon (Alameda) can be seen as paradigmatic for the architecture of power of the Estado Novo. The Alameda forms a gardened valley between two hills. There you find two prominent and highly propagandist buildings: The Instituto Superior Técnico (IST) and the Fonte Luminosa are dedicated to modern sciences and respectively to the harmonious contribution of nature to the city. The iconography of the Alameda as well as its incorporation into the propagandist use of urban planning in the 1930s and 1940s exemplify the visual politics during Salazarism. Urban planning programs intended to create cities that would preserve the character of a traditional catholic society and at the same time answer to the need to modernize the country and evoke the image of a progressive state. Thus, public buildings and urban squares such as the Alameda contributed to design a corporate image and to the ‘spirit’ of the regime.

Educating for sociability and learning for citizenship: developing communicational skills and mediation in educational contexts

This text concerns a program about the Promotion of Social and Communicational Skills and Mediation (PSCSM) developed with children aged between 10 and 13 years in a non-formal educational institution. The program of intervention had, as its purpose, the promotion of social and communicational competencies and mediation, thus enabling the children involved to have a healthy and responsible sociability in the different contexts in which they find themselves: family, school, peer group, amongst others. It was developed over 13 sessions with objectives and activities intentionally planned with the view of promoting competencies of communication, co-operation, responsibility, a critical spirit, solidarity, autonomy, respect, integration, inclusion and the recognition of rights and duties. This work was carried out with an action-research methodology that resorted to various techniques and instruments to gather and record information. The results obtained showed the impact and benefits of the program and they also revealed the necessity of educational institutions investing in the promotion of an ethical literacy and the empowerment of the children and young people for healthy sociability and active citizenship.

Ciudadanía y bien común en el marco de una ética pública. Citizenship and common good in the frame of a public ethics.

La investigación pretende hacer aportes para la reformulación ético-discursiva de las ideas de ciudadanía y bien común, que sea capaz de articular la libertad y la equidad con la corresponsabilidad solidaria en contextos post-neoliberales de globalización, interculturalidad y exclusión. En este sentido, una reconfiguración de la sociedad y de la ciudadanía implicará mostrar en qué sentido y de qué modo el espacio público tiene que estar abierto no sólo a la competencia y a los consumidores, sino a ciudadanos ilustrados, autónomos y críticos. La investigación parte del supuesto que, desde los presupuestos teóricos, conceptuales y metodológicos de la teoría del discurso y de la teoría de la democracia deliberativa es posible reformular un concepto de bien común apto para articular la integración social en contextos de interacción pluralista y conflictiva, como son las democracias actuales. Puede parecer extraño, y no sin razón, que el concepto de bien común pueda ser rehabilitado en el contexto de sociedades pluralistas y democráticas, e incorporada convincentemente en la estructura de una nueva ética cívica. La extrañeza puede ser aún mayor si se piensa que, en la actualidad, la formulación de una nueva ética cívica se ve enfrentada tanto a desafíos internos, estrictamente ético-filosóficos, como externos, provenientes de problemas y conflictos histórico-contextuales y culturales (Michelini, 1998, 2000). Finalmente, es posible que la supuesta extrañeza esté relacionada también con el hecho de que el concepto de bien común sea empleado no sólo de modo ambiguo, sino que, además, haya sido utilizado en prácticas muy diversas: desde la búsqueda filosófica de la ciudad perfecta y del Estado ideal -en la que Platón manifiesta que "las cosas de los amigos deben ser comunes" (Platón, 1974a, V, 424a, 449c; 1974b, 739a-e)-, hasta las múltiples instrumentalizaciones históricas en las que el concepto de bien común se utilizó para articular la religión con el patriotismo o la razón de Estado. En la historia más o menos reciente de muchos países latinoamericanos encontramos, en este respecto, ejemplos trágicos: en nombre de la razón de Estado y del bien común, no pocas veces se ha pretendido mantener el orden establecido o defender una determinada ideología, incluso vulnerando la legitimidad del Estado de Derecho y lesionando normas éticas fundamentales. El objetivo general de la investigación es fundamentar un sustento teórico coherente para una reelaboración de los conceptos de ciudadanía y bien común en vista de una ética pública de la corresponsabilidad solidaria en sociedades democráticas y en contextos de globalización, interculturalidad y exclusión, e indagar acerca de su aplicabilidad a los campos de la práctica política y educativa. Los resultados del proyecto tendrán un impacto no sólo teórico, sino también práctico en el ámbito de las ciencias humanas, particularmente en el ámbito de la filosofía práctica, la ética pública, la política y el sistema educativo. Además, se propone elaborar lineamientos de acción para las instituciones sociales, educativas y políticas locales, regionales y nacionales, ayudar a esclarecer aspectos centrales de una convivencia democrática y pluralista, y contribuir al esclarecimiento de los deberes, de los derechos y de la corresponsabilidad solidaria.

Enfoques sobre la ciudadanía. Philosophical Perspectives on Citizenship.

La necesidad que da origen al presente proyecto se relaciona con la ausencia de un tratamiento de la cuestión de la ciudadanía que haga interactuar distintos enfoques filosóficos -el principal indicador de esta carencia es la ausencia de producciones académicas que den cuenta de la complejidad que adquiere la temática si se la aborda desde los problemas que nos proporcionan otras perspectivas filosóficas y políticas-. En este sentido, el problema general del proyecto apunta a hacer discutir diferentes abordajes conceptuales para pensar la ciudadanía. Específicamente, trabajamos a partir de dos enfoques: 1) la discusión entre liberales y comunitaristas y sus actuales derivas y 2) la cuestión de la biopolítica y su relación con la temática de la ciudadanía. Se procura revisar la discusión liberales-comunitaristas propia de las ciencias políticas, interpelándola a partir de conceptos como los de dominación, relaciones de poder, control sobre la vida, disciplina, entre otros provenientes de la filosofía práctica, la teoría social, las ciencias de la educación, etc. Nuestra investigación parte de la hipótesis de que hacer discutir las problemáticas que se disputan liberales-comunitaristas, con la Teoría Crítica de la Escuela de Frankfurt y con los recientes fenómenos biopolíticos, permite un abordaje que atiende a la efectiva complejidad de las prácticas de ciudadanía en nuestra vida en común en las sociedades democráticas contemporáneas. Esto permitirá complejizar los presupuestos con los que tradicionalmente se ha pensado la ciudadanía, a partir sobre todo de los fenómenos socio-políticos más recientes, como los nuevos movimientos sociales, las discusiones acerca de la legislación del aborto y la eutanasia, los esfuerzos de los estados nacionales por incrementar medidas de seguridad que van desde la imposición de fuertes barreras a la inmigración hasta la realización de guerras preventivas. Entendemos que estos, entre otros fenómenos, desafían la hermenéutica tradicional sobre la ciudadanía. Es de esta manera que se buscará comprender los límites y alcances de las ideas de ciudadanía, entendiéndola como un concepto histórico formador de subjetividades. La metodología se basa en una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que proporciona las herramientas para un análisis conceptual de la temática de la ciudadanía. Esta metodología está orientada al desarrollo de un marco teórico que resulte productivo para investigaciones de campo en las ciencias sociales, así como también para la elaboración de un material bibliográfico destinado a docentes abocados a la ciudadanía. Otro de los propósitos fundamentales es el de formar una red entre diferentes equipos de investigación a nivel nacional a partir de las “I Jornadas Nacionales sobre Ciudadanía” y de la organización de un seminario especializado con un profesor visitante. As far as the general topic of citizenship concerns philosophy, the theoretical problem of how to reconcile the different perspectives, assuming that this is an enterprise that can be done, remains an open question. Furthermore, the absence of academic material dealing with the problem seems to be a good indicator of this tendency. The main focus of the present Project aims at coping with some of the most notorious theoretical approaches to citizenship. More specifically, we will analyze the next two approaches: 1) the debate libertarians-communitarians and 2) the relationship between biopolitics and citizenship. Our purpose is to revise the discussion libertarians-communitarians incorporating concepts such as domination, power-relationships, life-control, among others that find their roots in practical philosophy, social theory, education and so on. To the extent that theories of citizenship are only provided with the usual conceptual machinery, some of the most remarkable phenomena of our democratic societies will stand for them out of reach: the existence of new social movements, abortion and euthanasia, inmigration, etc. Our hypothesis is that by making the debate libertarians-communitarians interact with the Critical Theory as well as with biopolitical concepts, we will be in a better position to try to understand these diverse phenomena. With the development of some sort of a new hermeneutics, we expect to criticize the old ideas related to citizenship and to re-elaborate them in a way that allows us to understand this concept in a less-fundamental, historical sense. Methodologically, we will adopt a multi-dimensional approach which expects to be fruitful to many other investigations in the area of social sciences. The Project pretends to be useful as a consultation resource for educators in a bibliographical index to design their curricula. At the same time,a seminar with a visiting profesor, the organization of a Congres will be our main objectives.

In the name of democracy: Disobedience and value-oriented citizenship

Recently, some scholars have highlighted a paradoxical phenomenon existing in democratic systems:Those people who show the greatest support for democracy are also those most willing to protestagainst the authority and to question it. However, if we consider the tasks of contemporary democraticcitizenship in a social-psychological perspective, this apparent paradox becomes understandable.Obedience to authority may ensure the continuity of social and group life, but disobedience may becrucial in stopping the authority relationship from degenerating into an authoritarian one. FollowingKelman and Hamilton's analysis of legitimacy dynamics, we consider how actions of disobediencemay serve the defence of democracy. In particular, by considering the different ways in which peoplerelate to the political system, the relevance of so-called value-oriented citizens in supportingdemocracy will be considered.

Higher education as formation of the self and citizenship: an ethnography of the University Students from Amman, Jordan

My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.