Entre a capela e a catedral: tensões e reinvenções da identidade religiosa na experiência do protestantismo histórico atual

O trabalho analisa as transformações ocorridas nas igrejas protestantes históricas no campo religioso atual. A partir da análise de um estudo de caso feito em uma igreja histórica no Rio de Janeiro, a pesquisa busca compreender que elementos podem ser identificados na experiência religiosa desta comunidade, que indicam transformações em sua identidade religiosa. A reflexão parte de uma discussão sobre a própria noção de pentecostalização, que no contexto do campo religioso evangélico, tem sido utilizada como elemento que simboliza a disputa de identidade entre os grupos ligados ao protestantismo histórico e os movimentos pentecostais. O texto faz uma análise sobre as tensões existentes entre grupos tradicionais, ligados ao que foi chamado aqui de intelectualidade protestante, que faz uso do termo como categoria acusatória, ou seja, a pentecostalização para estes setores seria uma espécie de degeneração da tradição das igrejas históricas. A pesquisa visa repensar essa categoria que aparece no campo religioso, discutindo aspectos teóricos sobre a acusação aos pentecostais e sua influência no campo como uma religiosidade mágia que é enfrentada pela religiosidade intelectualizada presente na tradição histórica do protestantismo. A noção de pentecostalização utilizada na pesquisa aponta que para além dessa dicotomia magia (pentecostais) e religião (históricos), estão ocorrendo mudanças importantes na identidade religiosa evangélica, onde as igrejas históricas estão dialogando e resignificando elementos da matriz pentecostal com o objetivo de resignficar essas práticas a fim de dialogar com as mudanças ocorridas no campo evangélico atual, principalmente diante do crescimento do movimento pentecostal.

Debating Darwin at the Cape

This paper focuses attention on the fortunes of Darwin's theory among the English-speaking community in Cape Colony during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The paper begins with a review of early encounters with Darwin dwelling particularly on the response of figures like Roderick Noble - professor and editor of the Cape Monthly Magazine, the geologist John Shaw, and Sir Henry Barkly, governor of the colony. Besides these more theoretical responses, Darwin's ideas were also mobilised in a range of scientific inquiries on such subjects as birds and butterflies. But most conspicuous was the use of evolutionary thought-forms in the work of the eminent philologist Wilhelm Bleek, cousin of Darwin's leading German apologist, Ernst Haeckel. The prevailing sense is of a liberal intelligentsia calmly interacting with a novel theory with all due deference. During the 1870s, an address by Langham Dale at the South African Public Library injected new energy into the Darwin discussion. Dale expressed disquiet over some of the anthropological implications of evolution as well as its apparent reductionism, and this stimulated a range of reactions. Several anonymous commentators responded but the most sustained evaluation of Dale's position emanated from the Queenstown physician and later politician, Sir William Bisset Berry. Then, in 1874, copious extracts from John Tyndall's infamous 'Belfast Address' were printed in the Cape Monthly and this added yet further impetus to the debate. Tyndall's seeming materialism bothered a number of readers, not least Hon William Porter, former attorney-general of Cape Colony. To figures like these the materialist extrapolations of radical Darwinians such as Haeckel were deeply disturbing, not just for religious reasons, but because they seemed to destabilise the moral and pedagogic progressivism that lay at the heart of their civilising credo. While reservations about Darwin's proposals were certainly audible, taken in the round Darwinian conversations among the English-speaking literati at the Cape were conducted with liberal sentiments, not least when evolutionary science approached questions of race. For Darwin's writings were seen to confirm a monogenetic account of the origin and unity of the human race, and could readily be called upon to justify the paternalistic ideology that governed colonial affairs.

Karl Mannheim et la question des intellectuels sous la République de Weimar

Cette thèse de doctorat se penche sur la contribution de la pensée sociologique de Karl Mannheim (1893-1947) à la question des intellectuels sous la République de Weimar. L’objectif de notre recherche est de montrer que la sensibilité de Mannheim à l’égard de la détresse spirituelle et de la précarité matérielle des intellectuels allemands constitue le fil conducteur de sa pensée sociologique de 1921 à 1933. À cet effet, le concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches occupe une place centrale dans notre analyse, car il permet à Mannheim d’expliquer cette détresse sur le plan sociologique et de repenser les fondements de l’autonomie politique des intellectuels. Notre démarche méthodologique privilégie une histoire intellectuelle qui fait ressortir dans notre analyse une tension heuristique entre d’une part, la signification du concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches dans le cadre de l’histoire de la crise d’autonomie des intellectuels allemands dans le premier tiers du XXe siècle et d’autre part, les implications théoriques de ce concept dans le développement de la pensée sociologique de Mannheim. La tension entre l’étude du contexte historique et celle de l’évolution de l’oeuvre de Mannheim se reflète dans la structure de la thèse qui se divise en deux grandes parties : 1- Les deux premiers chapitres délimitent le contexte historique qui a présidé l’émergence du concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches. Dans le premier chapitre, nous situons le concept en question dans le contexte du déclin de l’hégémonie culturelle de la bourgeoisie éduquée allemande ("Bildungsbürgertum") et de l’émergence d’une nouvelle génération d’intellectuels gravement affectée par la crise économique des années 1920. Le deuxième chapitre fait état des premiers débats théoriques et des controverses politiques qui sont à l’origine de la sociologie des intellectuels au début du XXe siècle. Une attention particulière est portée à deux sociologues importants, Max et Alfred Weber, parce qu’ils contribuent à problématiser la question du statut politique des intellectuels weimariens et inspirent à Mannheim le concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches. 2- Les trois autres chapitres font état de l’évolution du concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches dans les écrits sociologiques de Mannheim. Le troisième chapitre met en lumière la première ébauche de la théorie sociologique des intellectuels dans sa thèse d’habilitation (1925). En imputant les origines historiques des intellectuels sans attaches aux penseurs conservateurs du début du XIXe siècle, Mannheim s’intéresse à la première crise existentielle qui déchira l’intelligentsia allemande, partagée entre la nécessité de s’engager en politique ou de s’enfermer dans un idéal culturel apolitique. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous voyons que le concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches devient le nerf du programme politique que Mannheim élabore dans son célèbre ouvrage "Ideologie und Utopie" (1929) dans le but de consolider l’autonomie de l’intelligentsia allemande. Dans le cinquième chapitre, nous analysons comment un tel projet est aux prises avec des contradictions que le sociologue est incapable de résoudre dans les dernières années de la République de Weimar. Ces contradictions concrétisent l’échec du concept d’intelligentsia sans attaches dans sa tentative de devenir un modèle d’autonomie pour les intellectuels allemands.

Los inciertos frutos de una ilusionada siembra : la JAE y la didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales.

Resumen tomado de la publicación. Número monográfico con el título: Reformas e innovaciones educativas (España, 1907-1939). En el centenario de la JAE.

Vibrant, oppositional culture : the media and Australian political culture, 1880-1910

The notion that Australia has an entrenched “utilitarian political culture” has predominated in representations of political life and political culture in this country. Ostensibly, political life has been characterised above all by materialism and pragmatism, largely devoid of meaningful debate over ideas. There has, however, been a growing recognition that Australian political culture has been richer, more complex and less settled than commonly believed.

This paper examines the experience in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Australia, focussing on the role of the media in tandem with a burgeoning reading public as integral elements of a vibrant oppositional culture. Here, a passion for knowledge and self-improvement combined with a strong sense that cultivation of the mind was intrinsic to goals of moral, political and social development existed. The print media was centrally important in catering to and stimulating the interests, outlooks and aspirations of a diverse community of readers. Radical papers and journals jostled for attention alongside the mainstream press, supported by a spreading carpet of Mechanics Institutes and Schools of Arts, bookshops stocking a vast array of titles, and a comparatively large and increasingly professionalised literary-artistic intelligentsia.

Many different publics were being engaged and indeed constituted, from the very pragmatic to the strongly idealistic; from anarchists through to conservatives; from the strongly nationalistic through to those deeply loyal to God and Empire. Moreover, potentially quite complex patterns of understanding and attachment were being stimulated during this time. Taking clearer account of the media’s contribution to intellectual and literary pursuits during this period increases our understanding of the diverse and often contradictory traditions that have been part of Australian political culture.

Karl Popper on Jewish nationalism and cosmopolitanism

This paper re-contextualizes Karl Popper’s thought within the anti-nationalist cosmopolitan tradition of the Central European intelligentsia. It argues that, although Popper was brought up in an assimilated Jewish Viennese household, from the perspective of the Jewish Enlightenment or Haskalah tradition, he can be seen to be a modern day heterodox Maskil (scholar). Popper’s ever present fear of anti-Semitism and his refusal to see Judaism as compatible with cosmopolitanism raise important questions as to the realisable limits of the cosmopolitan ideal. His inability to integrate an understanding of Jewishness in his cosmopolitan political ideal resulted in his strong opposition to Zionism and the state of Israel. By comparing Popper’s positions with those of Hermann Cohen, another neo-Kantian philosopher, I argue that although their solutions fall short in certain respects, their arguments have continuing purchase in recent debates on cosmopolitanism and the problem of the integration of minority groups. In addition, the arguments of the Jewish Enlightenment thinkers offer important insights for the current debates on minority integration and xenophobia.

Nationalism in Central Asia: post-Soviet expediency

National identity for the Tajiks, the Uzbeks and the Turkmens is a construct derived from the Soviet period. Over seventy years of Soviet social engineering and efforts at creating a Soviet community have led to the unintended emergence of aspiring "national" elite and intelligentsia groups, trained and educated in their "national" languages and identifying Soviet-defined administrative territories as their "national" motherlands. The Soviet trained elite and intelligentsia groups in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan were responsible for the smooth transition to the post-Soviet era, and thus performed a major role in ensuring political continuity. These two states seek to legitimise themselves by claiming to defend and represent the interests of their "national" communities. The Soviet initiated process of social engineering is now being modified to serve these states. National intelligentsia groups, through their scientific, historical and creative writings, are pivotal for the dissemination of the national ideal.

Celso Furtado: os intelectuais, a política e o planejamento na teoria do subdesenvolvimento

A pesquisa pretende investigar as possíveis influências das teorias da modernização, desenvolvidas no Brasil nas décadas de 30 e 40, na visão de Estado e na concepção do papel dos intelectuais no pensamento de Celso Furtado.

Arte, cultura, ideologia: a mascarada da luta de classes

Desde o inicio do século, a Cultura vem desempenhando papel central na mediação da luta de classes, no Brasil. A "intelligentsia" comportou-se como se pairasse sobre todas as classes (anos 30 e 40); buscou assumir a liderança ideológica da nação (anos 50 e 60); sofreu censura, tortura e exílio (anos 70) . Desde o inicio da década de 80, parte dos intelectuais vem buscando, na militância partidária, o caminho para a construção de um projeto de sociedade contra-hegemônico e democrático. Para grande parte da "intelligentsia", entretanto, pragmatismo e conciliação parecem continuar a ser a melhor receita de vida. Na sua visão de mundo, apoios e subvenções governamentais aparentemente valem mais que ética e democracia.

No tempo dos brotos: juventude e diversão em Petrópolis e no Tirol (1945-1960)

The urban growth of Rio Grande do Norte capital gave his boldest step in the three earlier decades of the twentieth century seeking to catch up with foreign metropolis and also most developed Brazilian cities, for example, Rio de Janeiro. Novelties were such bulky that we can notice the rise of a new city which in many aspects superseded that one considered provincial by local intelligentsia. These urban interferences scratched city ground leaving indelible marks until the present day. The exacerbated growth of the city related to the 1940s, when Natal begins hosting the largest allied military base outside United States in the advent of World War II is important at a time when the city´s population doubled. The emergence of new leisure institutions, amidst already existing ones, continued marking the places as sociabilities and leisure permeated with meanings and representations are revealed. This work sought to know the sociability of Tirol and Petrópolis neighborhoods in Natal, in the period from 1945 to 1960, when the city witnesses the consolidation of a market increasingly focused on leisure and young people start to have a special participation in this process.

O ensaio de adorno e a produção social da forma

Com o objetivo de participar num debate em torno da forma ensaio em sua relação com a filosofia, discutimos essa opção formal da Escola de Frankfurt a partir do texto de Adorno O ensaio como forma. Uma vez encontrada sua proposição de que o objeto do ensaio é um conflito detido, tentamos sugerir algumas das razões sociais que induzem essa escolha.

Entusiastas da cultura: o universo do livro e suas representações nas cartas do Centro Cultural Euclides da Cunha

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Lima, uma cidade entre a aristocracia e a plebe (1950-1980)

The city of Lima has undergone serious changes over the past sixty years. Until the middle of the last century, Lima retained an urban structure similar to that built in the 18th century, during the final decades of its colonial period. This reality began to change with the abrupt onset of migration from the mountain ranges to the coast in 1946. However, rather than changes in its urban plan, Lima underwent a ethnic and social reconfiguration that would bring new color and new cultural and behavioral norms to the Peruvian capital. The arrival of migrants to the city caused a conservative reaction in the local elites, but it also sparked a need for the intelligentsia to develop new ways of thinking about the place of migrants in the space of the city, and on the other hand, to create new representations of the city itself. From being a city isolated from the rest of the country, Lima came to live with a range of cultural and ethnic references. It did so, however, without creating greater opportunities for the integration of the masses within the urban and social logic of the city, thus making clear the separation between the aristocracy and the general populace.

A metáfora do Bogatyr: o corpo acrobata e a cena russa no início do século XX

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Negro suspeito, negro bandido: um estudo sobre o discurso policial

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)