The University of Kansas science bulletin.

v.46:no.13-22 (1966-1967)

Pennsylvanian invertebrates of the Mazon Creek area, Illinois : Eurypterida /

"September 17, 1963."

A expressão metafórica do sentido de existir na Literatura Cabo-verdiana contemporânea: João Varela, Corsino Fortes e José Luís Tavares São

FERNANDES, M. de Fátima. A expressão metafórica do sentido de existir na Literatura Cabo-verdiana contemporânea – João Varela, Corsino Fortes e José Luís Tavares.2013. 274 f. Tese (Doutorado) FFLCH – Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, 2013. A produção literária assinada pelos autores cabo-verdianos João Vário (heterônimo de João Varela), Corsino Fortes e José Luís Tavares constitui o objeto central desta análise desenvolvida a partir do estudo teórico do conceito de Identidade, visando enquadrar teoricamente a produção literária cabo-verdiana contemporânea, identificar as principais linhas de sua orientação (conteúdos, temática, estilos, retórica), relevando a receptividade da intercomunicação cultural e literária de/entre eles, bem como apresentar uma fundamentação teórica e metodológica para a leitura de suas obras. Aliando conteúdos teóricos aos contextos de produção poética pré e pós-independência, analisamos poemas das obras Exemplos (1966-1998), de João Vário, A cabeça calva de Deus (2001), de Corsino Fortes, e Agreste matéria mundo (2004), de José Luís Tavares – para verificar o posicionamento dos sujeitos literários na (re)construção da(s) identidade(s) na Literatura Cabo-Verdiana a partir dos anos 1960 do século XX à atualidade. O tratamento do tema visa caracterizar uma expressão metafórica do sentido de existir na Literatura Cabo-verdiana contemporânea, consubstanciada essencialmente no cruzamento de orientações dos estudos literários pós-estruturalistas, pós-coloniais, Estudos Comparados e Teoria da Literatura, e ainda com base na exploração de conteúdos literários com uma forte dimensão filosófica da contemporaneidade, conforme concebida por teóricos como Stuart Hall, Zigmut Bauman, Antonny Giddens, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Edward Said, Hassan Zaoual e Benedict Anderson, Milton Santos, entre outros.

Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Introduction：Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). 　　　What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. 　　　Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. 　　　This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. 　　　In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Transformation of the Financial Sector in Indonesia

Introduction : The source and deployment of finance are central issues in economic development. Since 1966, when the Soeharto Administration was inaugurated, Indonesian economic development has relied on funds in the form of aid from international organizations and foreign countries. After the 1990s, a further abundant inflow of capital sustained a rapid economic development. Foreign funding was the basis of Indonesian economic growth. This paper will describe the mechanism for allocating funds in the Indonesian economy. It will identify the problems this mechanism generated in the Indonesian experience, and it will attempt to explain why there was a collapse of the financial system in the wake of the Asian Currency Crisis of 1997. History of the Indonesian Financial system The year 1966 saw the emergence of commercial banks in Indonesia. It can be said that before 1966 a financial system hardly existed, a fact commonly attributed to economic disruptions like the consecutive runs of fiscal deficit and hyperinflation under the Soekarno Administration. After 1996, with the inauguration of Soeharto, a regulatory system of financial legislation, e.g. central banking law and banking regulation, was introduced and implemented, and the banking sector that is the basis of the current financial system in Indonesia was built up. 　　　The Indonesian financial structure was significantly altered at the first financial reform of 1983. Between 1966 and 1982, the banking sector consisted of Bank Indonesia (the Central Bank) and the state-owned banks. There was also a system for distributing the abundant public revenue derived from the soaring oil price of the 1970s. The public finance distribution function, incorporated in Indonesian financial system, changed after the successive financial reforms of 1983 and 1988, when there was a move away from the monopoly-market style dominated by state-owned banks (which was a system of public finance distribution that operated at the discretion of the government) towards a modern market mechanism. The five phases of development The Indonesian financial system developed in five phases between 1966 and the present time. The first period (1966-72) was its formative period, the second (1973-82) its policy based finance period under soaring oil prices, the third (1983-91) its financial-reform period, the fourth (1992-97) its period of expansion, and the fifth (1998-) its period of financial restructuring. The first section of this paper summarizes the financial policies operative during each of the periods identified above. In the second section changes to the financial sector in response to policies are examined, and an analysis of these changes shows that an important development of the financial sector occurred during the financial reform period. In the third section the focus of analysis shifts from the general financial sector to particular commercial banks’ performances. In the third section changes in commercial banks’ lending and fund-raising behaviour after the 1990s are analysed by comparing several banking groups in terms of their ownership and foundation time. The last section summarizes the foregoing analyses and examines the problems that remain in the Indonesian financial sector, which is still undergoing restructuring.

The history and research results of the East African Freshwater Fisheries Research Organization from 1946 - 1966.

Continuous research on the freshwater fisheries industry in East Africa, in common with most other African countries, did not commence until the end of the Second World War in 1945. Before the war some work on the fishes and hydrobiology of the lakes of East Africa had been undertaken by a series of scientific expeditions, which were sent out from Europe, between the years 1896 and 1939. These expeditions usually lasted for only a few months, and the collected data were published by young graduates and undergraduates, including such people as Mr. L. C. Beadle, (lately Professor Beadle of Makerere), Mr. V. E. Fuchs (now Sir Vivian Fuchs) and Mr. E. B. Worthington of Gonville and Caius College,Cambridge. Later. Dr. Worthington became Scientific Secretary to the Scientific Council for Africa, Scientific Secretary to the East African High Commission, and played a very large part in the furtherance of fisheries research and management in East Africa.

Análisis de la actuación de la Autoridad Ejecutiva Temporal de las Naciones Unidas – (UNTEA) en la protección de los derechos políticos de los grupos vulnerables. Estudio de caso: Adhesión de Papúa Occidental a Indonesia (1962-1969)

Estudio de caso en el análisis de la situación afrontada por la población de Papúa Occidental durante el periodo de 1962-1969, época en la que la nueva República de Indonesia y Holanda se disputaban la soberanía sobre el territorio papuano. Dicha disputa tuvo lugar durante la época de Guerra Fría, lo que llevó a que Estados Unidos junto con sus aliados en la región y la Unión Soviética intervinieran en él. Finalmente, Estados Unidos teniendo en cuenta sus intereses favoreció a la República de Indonesia y obligó a Holanda firmar el Acuerdo de Nueva York, en el que se establecía que sería la Autoridad Ejecutiva Temporal de las Naciones Unidas quien administrara y preparara el territorio para un futuro Acto de Libre Elección. En cualquiera que fuese el panorama, las Naciones Unidas no cumplieron con lo establecido en el Acuerdo lo que llevó a que fueran condescendientes con todas las peticiones indonesias sin tener en cuenta los deseos y los derechos de la población papuana, violándose su derecho de auto-determinación de los pueblos.

Interview with Boediono, former Vice President of Indonesia

Boediono studied and worked in Australia on several occasions. He studied at the University of Western Australia in the 1960s on a Colombo Plan scholarship, completing a degree in economics in 1967. He then went on to complete a Masters degree at Monash University. He later obtained a PhD from the University of Pennsylvania in the 1970s and also worked at the Australian National University as a research assistant. Boediono was a Bank of Indonesia deputy governor from 1997 to 1998 and served as State Minister of National Planning and Development from 1998 to October 1999. He served as Vice President of Indonesia 2009-2014 and has worked as an academic, teaching economics at Gadjah Mada University. The interview was conducted in English on 23 April 2014 by Professor David Lowe and Dr Jemma Purdey of Deakin University. This set comprises: an interview recording, a photograph, and a transcript of the interview.

Eruptive history of the Krakatau volcanic complex, Indonesia

[EN] The 1883 eruption of Krakatau is one of the best known volcanic events in the world, although it was not the largest, nor the deadliest of known eruptions. However, the eruption happened in a critical moment (just after the first global telegraph network was established) and in a strategic place (the Sunda Straits were a naval traffic hot spot at that time). The lecture will explore these events in some detail before presenting an outline on ongoing multidisciplinary efforts to unravel the past and present day plumbing systems of the 1883 eruption and that of the active Anak Krakatau cone. A mid- and a lower-crustal magma storage level exist beneath the volcano, placing significant emphasis on magma-crust interaction in the uppermost, sediment-rich crust. This final aspect shares similarities with the 2011/2012 El Hierro eruption, highlighting the relevance of the interaction between ascending magmas and marine deposits that oceanic magmas have to pass. At Krakatau, shallow-level crustal contamination offers a possible explanation for the explosive nature of the 1883 eruption and also for those of the presently active Anak Krakatau edifice and helps constrain location, style and processes of subvolcanic magma storage.

Democratizing Indonesia: Reformasi Period in Historical Perspective

Introduction : Triggered by the Asian currency crisis, Indonesia plunged into the times of violent change. With the downfall of the long-standing Soeharto rule in May 1998, changes of　the state order started with great magnitude and rapidity under a new banner of　“reformasi” (reform). What changes have occurred in this reformasi period? What do　these changes signify? To answer these questions, it would be better to have a certain　yardstick to allow us comparison. One possibility is to use a yardstick of history. What　picture will emerge if we see the current array of changes in long-term historical　perspectives is a main question of this paper. This paper intends to provide a bird’s-eye picture illustrating where in the Indonesian history the current restructuring of the state order is located. Rather than focusing on a specific area, I here attempt to broaden our outlook on Indonesia’s political, economic and social arenas in order to identify what are happening in these arenas, how they are mutually related, and what those events signify in the Indonesia’s historical context.

Politics of the 1945 Constitution:Democratization and Its Impact on Political Institutions in Indonesia

Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia? 　　　The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable. 　　　Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.